Makhno rebel army. Makhno army in the civil war. Emigration and personal life

The legendary Old Man Makhno is a bright and controversial figure in Russian history, a convinced anarchist and a frantic fighter.

Childhood and adolescence

Nestor Ivanovich Makhno was born in the village of Gulyaypole (now Zaporozhye region) on November 7, 1888. The boy's parents were poor peasants, his father Ivan Rodionovich worked as a coachman for the master, his mother Evdokia Matreevna ran the house and took care of the children: Nestor was the youngest of five sons.

With the death of their father, the family was orphaned, the children lost their only breadwinner. The youngest of the brothers also had a hard time. Having reached the age of seven, the boy began to hire out for daily work: herding cattle, working as a laborer for landowners. Despite this, Nestor managed to study for four years at a parish school, where he was sent at the age of eight.

Prison and anarchy

Since 1903, the young man worked at an iron foundry. In 1906, Makhno was arrested for carrying weapons, but he was released due to his youth. It was during this period that the future chieftain became acquainted with the concept of anarchism, and anarchy forever became his muse.

Having joined the “Free Union of Anarchist Grain Growers,” Nestor Makhno participated in many terrorist acts related to the expropriation of the property of landowners and wealthy peasants. In 1910, members of the group were put on trial. The military court of the city of Yekaterinoslav (now Dnepropetrovsk) sentenced the anarchist-terrorists to various terms of hard labor (according to other sources, to death penalty).


Lenta.co

Nestor Makhno was sentenced to 20 years of hard labor. For some time, Makhno was kept in the Yekaterinoslav prison, then transferred to Butyrka in Moscow. Here he met the anarchist Arshinov, who had a considerable influence on the young cellmate.

In Butyrka, Nestor did not waste time: he not only absorbed the basics of ideology gleaned from his senior colleague in the struggle, but also engaged in self-education, read many books on political economy, history, studied mathematics, grammar, and Russian literature. Makhno was released from prison together with Arshinov in March 1917, under an amnesty in honor of the February Revolution. In addition to knowledge and experience, the prisoner also took away from prison a terrible acquisition - consumption, which killed him many years later.

Political and military career: beginning

There are many inaccuracies in Makhno's biography. Over time, his associates were killed, and evidence of his activities in Ukraine is rather contradictory. However, his role in the war, the Civil War, cannot be underestimated, even though he went to realize his anarchist ideals over corpses.


Nestor Makhno in the army | However

Returning from imprisonment in Gulyai-Polye, Nestor found himself in the thick of revolutionary events. He, “who suffered for a just cause,” was elected by his fellow villagers as the head of the peasant union and the local peasant council. With the participation of Makhno, in the fall of 1917, representatives of the Provisional Government were driven out of the Alexandrovskaya volost and Soviet power was established. In 1918, as a representative of the Gulyai-Polye Revolutionary Committee, he participated in the all-Don conference of revolutionary committees and Soviets.

The establishment of a new government was prevented by the invasion of interventionists: in the summer of 1918, Austro-German troops occupied Ukraine. This time can be considered the beginning of Makhno's military career, since it was then that the rebels first united into a partisan detachment under his leadership. The detachment fought both against the Germans and Ukrainian nationalists. As revenge, the authorities dealt with Nestor's older brother and burned the house where his mother lived.


KDKV

Then, in May 1918, Nestor Makhno came to Moscow, where he personally met with Sverdlov, as well as with the leaders of the anarchist party. Meetings with the leadership of the Soviet government did not bring anything useful, but at the Moscow Conference of Anarchists, tactics for fighting the occupiers in Ukraine were developed. Armed with forged documents, Makhno went home to organize a rebel army.

"Inflexible Dad"

Father Makhno's whole life was an endless struggle. While recognizing some of the Bolsheviks’ positions as correct, he did not resign himself to their desire to “crush the entire revolution and its merits.” At the same time, he more than once concluded a temporary truce with the Soviet regime, fighting against the White Guards and interventionists.

Nestor Makhno became a living ideal for anarchists around the world. He managed to create his own state within a state, establish communes in the cities under his control, establish production, open schools, trade unions, create all the conditions for the peaceful life of ordinary people, without neglecting the principles of anarchy.


Gogomuz

His army was a significant force on the political map of the former Russian Empire for several years, but Makhno is especially revered by Ukrainian Jews, because pogroms and robberies concerned only landowners, and nationalism in the ranks of the rebel army was punished harshly, even by execution.

The activities of Father Makhno in Ukraine during the Civil War can be briefly described by the following theses:

  • in 1918 he formed an alliance with the Red Army and fought against the troops under the command of Petliura;
  • in 1919, Dad again united with the Bolsheviks and fought with Denikin’s troops;
  • On May 29, 1919, he broke the agreement with the Bolsheviks, who announced the liquidation of the “Makhnovshchina”;
  • in July-December 1919 he waged a guerrilla war against Denikin’s army, then again supported the “Reds”, broke through the White Guard front and took the cities of Gulyaypole, Berdyansk, Nikopol, Melitopol and Yekaterinoslav;
  • in 1920, Makhno again came into conflict with the Bolsheviks, but rejected Wrangel’s proposals to create an alliance;
  • in September 1920, another reconciliation between the father and the “Reds” followed, followed by participation in the Crimean campaign;
  • after the victory over the White Guards in Crimea, Makhno refused to join the Red Army, for which the Bolsheviks destroyed almost all of his troops;
  • at the end of 1920, dad gathered a new army of fifteen thousand and waged a guerrilla war in Ukraine, but the forces were unequal, and in August 1921, Makhno and his closest associates crossed the border into Romania.

Emigration and personal life

Romania did not hand him over to the Soviet authorities, but Makhno, along with his wife and comrades-in-arms, were placed in a concentration camp. From there the Makhnovists fled to Poland, then to Danzig and France. Only in Paris did they manage to live a peaceful life. Local anarchists and other freedom-loving citizens participated in the fate of the legendary chieftain, providing him with all possible assistance.


Komsomolskaya Pravda

The American anarchist Alexander Berkman became especially friendly with Nestor, who eventually found funds for the funeral of the great revolutionary. Makhno's death was the result of a long-standing illness that had undermined his health since the days of hard labor. The cause of death was consumption. Nestor Ivanovich died in a Paris hospital on July 6, 1934. Makhno's grave is located in the Père Lachaise cemetery.

There are legends about the personal life of Nestor Makhno: without a doubt, the ataman of an army of thousands could afford any pleasure. With a rather unprepossessing appearance according to contemporaries (although in the photo he looks like a bright personality), short stature, and puny figure, women loved him. They were loved and feared, because they, like his soldier, were awed by the father’s cold, calculating, piercing gaze.


Nestor Makhno with his wife Galina Kuzmenko and daughter | Poltavika project

The marriage did not work out with his first wife, Nastya Vasetskaya, whom Nestor married after leaving prison. They had a son, but he soon died and the couple separated. But Makhno’s second wife, Galina Kuzmenko, went through the whole war, emigration and camps hand in hand with him. They say that she herself participated in pogroms and executions, finding special pleasure in such a life. In Paris, their daughter Elena was born, but Galina, unable to withstand the plight, took the girl and left her husband.


IO.UA

In 2009, a monument to Nestor Makhno was unveiled in Gulyai-Polye, about a dozen films have been made about him, many novels, studies, memoirs have been written, and Nestor Ivanovich himself is the author of a number of memoirs. The latest to appear on domestic screens was the series “The Nine Lives of Nestor Makhno” starring.

Nestor Ivanovich

Battles and victories

"Old Man", Commander-in-Chief of the Soviet Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Army of the Yekaterinoslav region, commander of the Red Army brigade, commander of the 1st Insurgent Division, commander of the "Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine".

Makhno himself considered himself a military commander, and not a leader of the population of the occupied territory.

Nestor Ivanovich Makhno was born on October 26, 1888 in the village of Gulyai-Polye, Yekaterinoslav province, into a peasant family. It was a large village, in which there were even factories, at one of which he worked as a foundry worker.

Terrorist, trade boss, chairman of the Council

The revolution of 1905 captivated the young worker, he joined the Social Democrats, and in 1906 he joined the group of “free grain growers” ​​- anarchist-communists, participated in raids and propaganda of the principles of anarchy. In July-August 1908, the group was discovered, Makhno was arrested and in 1910, together with his accomplices, was sentenced to death by a military court. However, many years before this, Makhno’s parents changed his date of birth by a year, and he was considered a minor. In this regard, the execution was replaced by indefinite hard labor.

In 1911, Makhno ended up in Moscow Butyrki. Here he studied self-education and met Pyotr Arshinov, who was more “savvy” in anarchist teaching, who would later become one of the ideologists of the Makhnovist movement. In prison, Makhno fell ill with tuberculosis and had his lung removed.

The February Revolution of 1917 opened the doors of prison for Makhno, and in March he returned to Gulyai-Polye. Makhno gained popularity as a fighter against autocracy and a speaker at public gatherings, and was elected to the local government body - the Public Committee. He became the leader of the Gulyai-Polye group of anarcho-communists, which subordinated the Public Committee to its influence and established control over the network of public structures in the region, which included the Peasant Union (since August - the Council), the Council of Workers' Deputies and the trade union. Makhno headed the volost executive committee of the Peasant Union, which actually became the authority in the region.

After the start of Kornilov’s speech, Makhno and his supporters created the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution under the Soviet and confiscated weapons from landowners, kulaks and German colonists in favor of their detachment. In September, the volost congress of Soviets and peasant organizations in Gulyai-Polye, convened by the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution, proclaimed the confiscation of landowners' lands, which were transferred to peasant farms and communes. So Makhno was ahead of Lenin in implementing the slogan “Land to the peasants!”

On October 4, 1917, Makhno was elected chairman of the board professional union metalworkers, woodworkers and other professions, which united virtually all the workers of Gulyai-Polye and a number of surrounding enterprises (including mills). Makhno, who combined leadership of the trade union with leadership of the largest local armed political group, forced entrepreneurs to fulfill the demands of the workers. On October 25, the union board decided: “Workers who are not members of the union are required to immediately enroll as members of the Union, otherwise they risk losing the support of the Union.” A course was set for the universal introduction of an eight-hour working day. In December 1917, Makhno, busy with other matters, transferred the chairmanship of the trade union to his deputy A. Mishchenko.

Makhno was already faced with new tasks - a struggle for power began to boil between supporters and opponents of the Soviets. Makhno stood for Soviet power. Together with a detachment of Gulyai-Polye men, commanded by his brother Savva, Nestor disarmed the Cossacks, then took part in the work of the Alexander Revolutionary Committee, and headed the revolutionary committee in Gulyai-Polye. In December, on Makhno’s initiative, the Second Congress of Soviets of the Gulyai-Polye region met, which adopted the resolution “Death to the Central Rada.” The Makhnovsky district was not going to submit to either the Ukrainian, Red or White authorities.

At the end of 1917, Makhno had a daughter from Anna Vasetskaya. Makhno lost contact with this family in the military whirlpool of the spring of 1918. After the conclusion of the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty in March 1918, German troops began advancing into Ukraine. Residents of Gulyai-Polye formed a “free battalion” of about 200 fighters, and now Makhno himself took command. He went to the Red Guard headquarters to get weapons. In his absence, on the night of April 15-16, a coup was carried out in Gulyai-Polye in favor of Ukrainian nationalists. At the same time, a detachment of nationalists suddenly attacked the “free battalion” and disarmed it.

These events took Makhno by surprise. He was forced to retreat to Russia. At the end of April 1918, at a meeting of Gulyai-Polye anarchists in Taganrog, it was decided to return to the area in a few months. In April-June 1918, Makhno traveled around Russia, visiting Rostov-on-Don, Saratov, Tsaritsyn, Astrakhan and Moscow. Revolutionary Russia evokes complex feelings in him. On the one hand, he saw the Bolsheviks as allies in the revolutionary struggle. On the other hand, they very cruelly crushed the revolution “under themselves”, creating a new one, their own power, and not the power of the Soviets.

In June 1918, Makhno met with anarchist leaders, including P.A. Kropotkin, was among the visitors of V.I. Lenin and Ya.M. Sverdlov. In a conversation with Lenin, Makhno, on behalf of the peasantry, outlined to him his vision of the principles of Soviet power as self-government, and argued that anarchists in the countryside of Ukraine are more influential than communists. Lenin made a strong impression on Makhno, the Bolsheviks helped the anarchist leader cross to occupied Ukraine.

Batko, brigade commander, division commander, army commander

In July 1918, Makhno returned to the vicinity of Gulyai-Polye, then created a small partisan detachment, which in September began military operations, attacking estates, German colonies, occupiers and employees of Hetman Skoropadsky. The first major battle with the Austro-Hungarian troops and supporters of the Ukrainian state in the village of Dibrivki (B. Mikhailovka) turned out to be successful for the partisans, earning Makhno the honorary nickname “father”. In the Dibrivok area, Makhno’s detachment united with F. Shchus’s detachment. Then other local detachments began to join Makhno. The successful partisans began to receive the support of the peasants. Makhno emphasized the anti-landowner and anti-kulak nature of his actions.


The collapse of the occupation regime after the November Revolution in Germany caused a surge in the insurgency and the collapse of the regime of Hetman Skoropadsky. As the Austro-German troops evacuated, detachments coordinated by Makhno's headquarters began to take control of the area around Gulyai-Polye. On November 27, 1918, Makhno’s forces occupied Gulyai-Polye and never left it. The rebels ousted the invaders from their area, destroyed the resisting farmsteads and estates and established contacts with the authorities local government. Makhno fought against unauthorized extortions and robberies. Local rebels were subordinate to the main headquarters of the rebel troops “named after Old Man Makhno.” In the south of the region there were clashes with the troops of Ataman Krasnov and the Volunteer Army.

Started in mid-December fighting between the Makhnovists and supporters of the UPR. Makhno entered into an agreement on joint actions with the Ekaterinoslav Bolsheviks and was appointed gubernatorial committee and Commander-in-Chief of the Soviet Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Army of the Ekaterinoslav region. On December 27-31, 1918, Makhno, in alliance with a detachment of Bolsheviks, recaptured Ekaterinoslav from the Petliurists. But the Petliurists launched a counterattack and recaptured the city. Makhno and the communists blamed each other for the defeat. Having lost half of his detachment, Makhno returned to the left bank of the Dnieper.

Makhno considered himself a military commander, and not a leader of the population of the occupied territory. The principles of organizing political power were determined by the congresses of front-line soldiers and Soviets. The First Congress took place on January 23, 1919, without Makhno’s participation, and began preparations for the more representative Second Congress.

In January 1919, units of the Volunteer Army launched an offensive on Gulyai-Polye. The Makhnovists suffered from a shortage of ammunition and weapons, which forced them to enter into an alliance with the Bolsheviks on January 26, 1919. On February 19, Makhnovist troops entered the 1st Trans-Dnieper Division of the Red Army under the command of P.E. Dybenko as the 3rd brigade under the command of Makhno.

Having received ammunition from the Reds, on February 4 Makhno went on the offensive and took Bamut, Volnovakha, Berdyansk and Mariupol, defeating the White group. The peasants, submitting to “voluntary mobilization,” sent their sons to the Makhnovist regiments. The villages patronized their regiments, the soldiers chose commanders, the commanders discussed upcoming operations with the soldiers, each soldier knew his task well. This “military democracy” gave the Makhnovists a unique fighting ability. The growth of Makhno's army was limited only by the ability to arm new recruits. For 15-20 thousand armed fighters there were over 30 thousand unarmed reserves.

On February 8, 1919, in his appeal, Makhno put forward the following task: “Building a true Soviet system, in which the Soviets, elected by the working people, would be servants of the people, implementers of those laws, those orders that the working people themselves will write at the All-Ukrainian Labor Congress...”

“Our working community will have full power within itself and will carry out its will, its economic and other plans and considerations through its bodies, which it itself creates, but which it does not endow with any power, but only with certain instructions,” - wrote Makhno and Arshinov in May 1919.

Subsequently, Makhno called his views anarcho-communism of the “Bakunin-Kropotkin sense.”

Speaking on February 14, 1919 at the II Gulyai-Polye district congress of front-line soldiers, Soviets and sub-departments, Makhno said: “I call on you to unity, because unity is the guarantee of the victory of the revolution over those who sought to strangle it. If comrade Bolsheviks come from Great Russia to Ukraine to help us in the difficult struggle against counter-revolution, we must say to them: “Welcome, dear friends!” But if they come here with the goal of monopolizing Ukraine, we will tell them: “Hands off!” We ourselves know how to raise the liberation of the working peasantry to a height, we ourselves will be able to arrange a new life for ourselves - where there will be no lords, slaves, oppressed and oppressors.”

The resolutions of the congress were consonant with anarchist ideas: “The Second Regional Congress... persistently calls on fellow peasants and workers to build a new free society on the ground, without violent decrees and orders, in spite of the rapists and oppressors of the whole world, without rulers, without subordinate slaves, without the rich, and without the poor." The congress delegates spoke sharply against the “parasite officials” who are the source of “violent orders.”

In February 1919, the policy of the RCP(b) was sharply criticized at the Second Congress of Soviets of Gulyai-Polye. The resolution of the congress read: “Political and various other commissars, not elected by us, but appointed by the government, monitor every step of the local councils and mercilessly deal with those comrades from the peasants and workers who come out in defense of people's freedom against representatives of the central government. Calling itself a workers' and peasants' government, the government of Russia and Ukraine blindly follows the lead of the Bolshevik Communist Party, which, in the narrow interests of its party, conducts vile, irreconcilable persecution of other revolutionary organizations.

Hiding behind the slogan of the “dictatorship of the proletariat,” the Bolshevik Communists declared a monopoly on the revolution for their party, considering all dissenters to be counter-revolutionaries... We call on the comrades of workers and peasants not to entrust the liberation of the working people to any party, to any central power: liberation of the working people is the work of the working people themselves.”


“And who can we blame?

Who can close the window?

So as not to see how guarded the pack is

And the peasantry love Makhno so much?..”

S.A. Yesenin, Country of Scoundrels, 1922 - 1923.

At the congress, the political body of the movement, the Military Revolutionary Council (VRC), was elected. The party composition of the VRS was left-socialist - 7 anarchists, 3 left Socialist Revolutionaries and 2 Bolsheviks and one sympathizer. Makhno was elected an honorary member of the VRS. Thus, on the territory controlled by the Makhnovists, an independent system of Soviet power arose, autonomous from the central government of the Ukrainian SSR. This caused mutual distrust between Makhno and the Soviet command.

Makhno invited brigades of anarchists to the area of ​​​​operation to promote anarchist views and cultural and educational work. Among the visiting anarchists, the old comrade P.A. had an influence on Makhno. Arshinov. In the area where the Makhnovists operated, political freedom existed for leftist movements - the Bolsheviks, left Socialist Revolutionaries and anarchists. Makhno received the chief of staff sent by the division commander Dybenko - the left Socialist Revolutionary Ya.V. Ozerov and communist commissars. They engaged in propaganda, but had no political power.

The commander of the Ukrainian Front, V. Antonov-Ovseenko, who visited the area in May 1919, reported: “children’s communes and schools are being established - Gulyai-Polye is one of the most cultural centers of Novorossia - there are three secondary educational institutions, etc. Through Makhno’s efforts, ten hospitals for the wounded were opened, a workshop was organized to repair guns and locks were made for the guns.”

The communists tolerated the openly anti-Bolshevik nature of the Makhnovists' speeches as long as the Makhnovists advanced. But in April the front stabilized, and the fight against Denikin’s forces continued with varying degrees of success. The Bolsheviks set a course to eliminate the special situation of the Makhnovist region. Heavy fighting and supply shortages increasingly exhausted the Makhnovists.

On April 10, the III regional congress of peasants, workers and rebels in Gulyai-Polye adopted decisions directed against the military-communist policy of the RCP (b). Chief Dybenko responded with a telegram: “Any congresses convened on behalf of the military-revolutionary headquarters dissolved according to my order are considered clearly counter-revolutionary, and the organizers of such will be subjected to the most repressive measures, up to and including outlawing.” The congress responded to the division commander with a sharp rebuke, which further compromised Makhno in the eyes of the command.

April 15, 1919 member of the RVS of the Southern Front G.Ya. Sokolnikov, with the consent of some members of the RVS of the Ukrfront, brought before the Chairman of the RVS of the Republic L.D. Trotsky questioned the removal of Makhno from command.

On April 25, the Kharkov Izvestia published an article “Down with Makhnovshchina,” which said: “The insurgent movement of the peasantry accidentally fell under the leadership of Makhno and his “Military Revolutionary Headquarters,” in which both the reckless anarchists and the White-Left Socialist Revolutionaries found refuge. and other remnants of “former” revolutionary parties that disintegrated. Having fallen under the leadership of such elements, the movement significantly lost strength; the successes associated with its rise could not be consolidated by the anarchic nature of its actions... The outrages that are happening in Makhno’s “kingdom” must be put to an end.” This article outraged Makhno and raised fears that it was a prelude to an attack by the Bolsheviks. On April 29, he ordered the detention of some of the commissars, deciding that the Bolsheviks were preparing an attack on the Makhnovists: “Let the Bolsheviks sit with us, just as our Cheka sits in the Cheka’s dungeons.”

The conflict was resolved during negotiations between Makhno and the commander of the Ukrainian Front V.A. Antonova-Ovseenko. Makhno even condemned the most harsh provisions of the resolutions of the Congress of Soviets of the region and promised to prevent the election of command personnel, which (apparently due to the contagiousness of the example) was so feared in neighboring parts of the Red Army. Moreover, the commanders had already been chosen, and no one was going to change them at that time.

But, having made some concessions, the old man put forward a new, fundamentally important idea that could try on two strategies of the revolution: “Before a decisive victory over the whites, a revolutionary front must be established, and he (Makhno. - A.Sh.) strives to prevent civil strife between the various elements of this revolutionary front."

On May 1, the brigade was withdrawn from the subordination of the P.E. division. Dybenko and subordinated to the emerging 7th Division of the 2nd Ukrainian Army, which never became a real formation. In fact, not only the 7th Division, but the entire 2nd Army consisted of Makhno’s brigade and several regiments that were significantly inferior to it in numbers.

Ataman N.A. provided a new reason for increasing mutual distrust. Grigoriev, who started a rebellion on the right bank of Ukraine on May 6. On May 12, under the chairmanship of Makhno, a “military congress” convened, that is, a meeting of the command staff, representatives of units and the political leadership of the Makhnovist movement. Makhno and the congress condemned N.A.’s speech. Grigoriev, but also expressed criticism towards the Bolsheviks, who provoked the uprising with their policies. The “Military Congress” proclaimed the reorganization of the 3rd Brigade into the 1st Insurgent Division under the command of Makhno.

The reason for a new aggravation of relations with the communists was the deployment of the 3rd brigade to the division. The paradoxical situation, when the brigade made up the majority of the army, interfered with the appropriate supply, and the interaction of the command with the huge “brigade”, and the management of its units. The Soviet command first agreed to the reorganization, and then refused to create a division under the command of an obstinate opposition commander. On May 22, Trotsky, who arrived in Ukraine, called such plans “preparation of a new Grigorievshchina.” On May 25, at a meeting of the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense of Ukraine, chaired by Kh. Rakovsky, the issue of “Makhnovshchina and its liquidation” was discussed. It was decided to “liquidate Makhno” with the help of the regiment.

Having learned about the intentions of the command, Makhno announced on May 28, 1919 that he was ready to resign, since he “never aspired to high ranks” and “will do more in the future among the grassroots of the people for the revolution.” But on May 29, 1919, the headquarters of the Makhnov division decided: “1) urgently invite Comrade Makhno to remain in his duties and powers, which Comrade Makhno tried to relinquish; 2) transform all Makhnovist forces into an independent rebel army, entrusting the leadership of this army to Comrade Makhno. The army is operationally subordinate to the Southern Front, since the latter's operational orders will proceed from the living needs of the revolutionary front." In response to this step, the Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front decided on May 29, 1919 to arrest Makhno and bring him before the Revolutionary Tribunal. Makhno did not accept the title of army commander and continued to consider himself a division commander.

This was announced when the Southern Front itself began to fall apart under the blows of Denikin. The Makhnovist headquarters called for the restoration of unity: “There is a need for cohesion, unity. Only with common effort and consciousness, with a common understanding of our struggle and our common interests for which we are fighting, will we save the revolution... Give up, comrades, all sorts of party differences, they will destroy you.”


On May 31, the VRS announced the convening of the IV Congress of District Councils. The center regarded the decision to convene a new “unauthorized” congress as preparation for an anti-Soviet uprising. On June 3, the commander of the Southern Front, V. Gittis, gave the order to begin the liquidation of the Makhnovshchina and the arrest of Makhno.

On June 6, Makhno sent a telegram to V.I. Lenin, L.D. Trotsky, L.B. Kamenev and K.E. Voroshilov, in which he offered to “send a good military leader who, having familiarized himself with the matter on the spot with me, could take command of the division from me.”

On June 9, Makhno sent a telegram to V.I. Lenin, L.D. Kamenev, G.E. Zinoviev, L.D. Trotsky, K.E. Voroshilov, in which he summed up his relationship with the communist regime: “The hostile and recently offensive behavior of the central government towards insurrection that I have noted leads with fatal inevitability to the creation of a special internal front, on both sides of which there will be a working mass who believes in the revolution. I consider this the greatest, never forgivable crime against the working people and I consider myself obligated to do everything possible to prevent this crime... I consider my resignation from my post to be the surest means of preventing the crime impending on the part of the authorities.”

Meanwhile, the Whites invaded the Gulyai-Polye area. For some time, with a small detachment, Makhno still fought side by side with the red units, but on June 15, with a small detachment, he left the front. Its units continued to fight in the ranks of the Red Army. On the night of June 16, seven members of the Makhnovist headquarters were shot by the verdict of the Donbass revolutionary tribunal. The chief of staff of Ozerov continued to fight with the whites, but on August 2, according to the verdict of the VUCHK, he was shot. Makhno gave out cash groups of anarchists who traveled to prepare terrorist attacks against the whites (M.G. Nikiforova and others) and the Bolsheviks (K. Kovalevich and others). On June 21, 1919, Makhno’s detachment crossed to the right bank of the Dnieper.

In July, Makhno married Galina Kuzmenko, who became his fighting friend for many years.

Makhno tried to stay away from the front rear so as not to contribute to the successes of the Whites. Makhno's detachment attacked Elisavetgrad on July 10, 1919. On July 11, 1919, the Makhnovists united with the detachment of the nationalist ataman N.A. Grigorieva. In accordance with the agreement of the two leaders, Grigoriev was declared commander, and Makhno - chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Insurgent Army. Makhno's brother Grigory became the chief of staff. Disagreements arose between the Makhnovists and the Grigorievites in connection with N.A.’s anti-Semitism. Grigoriev and his reluctance to fight against the Whites. July 27 N.A. Grigoriev was killed by the Makhnovists. Makhno sent a telegram on air: “Everyone, everyone, everyone. Copy - Moscow, Kremlin. We killed the famous ataman Grigoriev. Signed - Makhno."

Under pressure from Denikin, the Red Army was forced to retreat from Ukraine. The former Makhnovists, who found themselves under the command of the Bolsheviks in June, did not want to go to Russia.


...Russian anarchism, which produced the world-famous theorists Kropotkin and Bakunin, in practical activities the party throughout the Russian Troubles represents one continuous tragic farce. And it would, of course, be imprudent not to appropriate the only serious movement and not to canonize Makhno as its leader - such a bright figure of timelessness, albeit with a robber appearance...

A.I. Denikin. Essays on Russian Troubles. Paris, 1921.

Most of the Makhnovist units operating as part of the Red Army, as well as part of the 58th Red Division, went over to Makhno’s side. On September 1, 1919, at a meeting of army command staff in the village. The “Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine (Makhnovists)” was proclaimed in Dobrovelichkovka, a new Revolutionary Military Council and army headquarters headed by Army Commander Makhno were elected.

The superior forces of the Whites pushed the Makhnovists back near Uman. Here the Makhnovists entered into an “alliance” with the Petliurists, to whom they handed over their convoy with the wounded.

Makhnovia in the white rear

In July-August 1919, the White Army advanced across the vastness of Russia and Ukraine towards Moscow and Kyiv. The officers peered into the horizon. A few more victorious battles, and Moscow will greet its liberators with the ringing of bells. On the flank of Denikin’s campaign against Moscow, it was necessary to solve a “simple” task - to finish off the remnants of the Southern Group of Reds, Makhno’s gang and, if possible, the Ukrainian nationalist Petlyura, who was getting under the feet of Russian statehood. After the Whites drove the Reds out of Yekaterinoslav with a dashing raid and thereby overcame the Dnieper barrier, the cleansing of Ukraine seemed a done deal. But when the Whites entered the area where Makhno had gathered his forces in early September, difficulties arose. On September 6, the Makhnovists launched a counterattack near Pomoschnaya. They moved from all sides, and the discordant crowd just before the attack turned into a dense formation. The Whites fought back, but it turned out that Makhno at that time bypassed their positions and captured a convoy with ammunition. They were what the “father” needed.

On September 22, 1919, General Slashchev gave the order to put an end to Makhno in the Uman region. How much time can you waste on this gang! Of course, the Makhnovists are numerous, but they are a rabble, and the disciplined forces of the Volunteer Army are superior to the bandits in their combat effectiveness. After all, they are chasing the Reds! Slashchev's units dispersed in different directions to drive the beast. The Simferopol White Regiment occupied Peregonovka. The trap slammed shut. General Sklyarov’s detachment entered Uman and began to wait for the “game” to be brought to him.

Meanwhile, the “game” itself drove the hunters. On September 26, a terrible roar was heard - the Makhnovists blew up their stock of mines, which were still difficult to carry with them. It was both a signal and a “psychic attack.” The cavalry and infantry rushed towards the whites, supported by many machine guns on carts. Denikin’s troops could not stand it and began to seek salvation on the heights, thereby opening the way for the Makhnovists to key crossings and forks in the roads. At night, the Makhnovists were already everywhere, the cavalry pursued those retreating and fleeing. On the morning of September 27, the Makhnovist cavalry mass crushed the ranks of the Lithuanian battalion and cut down those who did not have time to flee. This formidable force moved on, destroying the whites who got in their way. Having brought up their guns, the Makhnovists began to shoot the battle formations pressed against the river. Their commander, Captain Hattenberger, realizing that defeat was inevitable, shot himself. Having killed the remaining whites, the Makhnovists moved to Uman and drove Sklyarov’s forces out of there. Slashchev's regiments were broken in parts, Denikin's front was broken through on the flank.


The Makhnovist army, loaded onto carts, moved deep into Denikin’s rear. Looking at this breakthrough, one of the surviving officers sadly said: “At that moment, great Russia lost the war.” He was not so far from the truth. Denikin’s rear was disorganized, and a Makhnovia hole formed in the center of the white “Dobrovoliya”. And then the news came - the same force struck the Bolsheviks almost at the very heart of their regime - on September 25, the Moscow City Committee was blown up communist party. The anarchists took revenge on the communists for Makhno’s comrades shot by the revolutionary tribunal. This was the third force of the Civil War, obeying its own will and its own logic.

Makhno's army burst into operational space behind Denikin's rear. Makhno, commanding the central column of rebels, occupied Aleksandrovsk and Gulyai-Polye in early October. In the area of ​​​​Gulyai-Polye, Aleksandrovsk and Yekaterinoslav, a vast rebel zone arose, which absorbed part of the White forces during Denikin’s attack on Moscow.

In the Makhnovist region, on October 27 - November 2, a congress of peasants, workers and rebels was held in Aleksandrovsk. In his speech, Makhno stated that “the best volunteer regiments of Gen. Denikin was completely defeated by the rebel detachments,” but also criticized the communists, who “sent punitive detachments to “suppress the counter-revolution” and thereby interfered with the free insurrection in the fight against Denikin.” Makhno called for joining the army “to destroy all violent power and counter-revolution.” After the speech of the Menshevik worker delegates, Makhno again took the floor and sharply spoke out against the “underground agitation on the part of the Mensheviks,” whom, like the Socialist Revolutionaries, he called “political charlatans” and called for “no mercy” for them and “drive them out.” After this, some of the working delegates left the congress. Makhno responded by saying that he did not “brand” all workers, but only “charlatans.” On November 1, he appeared in the newspaper “Path to Freedom” with the article “It cannot be otherwise”: “Is it acceptable that the workers of the city of Aleksandrovsk and its surroundings, in the person of their delegates - the Mensheviks and right Socialist Revolutionaries - on a free business worker-peasant and at the insurgent congress held opposition to the Denikin founders?

From October 28 to December 19 (with a break of 4 days), the Makhnovists held the large city of Yekaterinoslav. Enterprises were transferred into the hands of those who work for them. On October 15, 1919, Makhno addressed the railway workers: “In order to quickly restore normal railway traffic in the area we liberated, as well as based on the principle of establishing a free life by the workers’ and peasants’ organizations themselves and their associations, I propose that comrades, railway workers and employees, energetically organize and establish the movement itself, setting a sufficient payment for passengers and cargo, except for military personnel, as a reward for its work, organizing its cash desk on a comradely and fair basis and entering into the closest relations with workers’ organizations, peasant societies and rebel units.”

Makhno insisted that workers should repair weapons free of charge. At the same time, Makhno allocated 1 million rubles for the needs of the health insurance fund. The Makhnovists established benefits for those in need. The Military Revolutionary Council was headed by the anarchist V. Volin, who became the leading ideologist of the movement (Arshinov temporarily lost contact with Makhno during the events of the summer of 1919). The activities of leftist parties were allowed. There was counterintelligence, authorized to arrest white agents and conspirators. She allowed arbitrariness against civilians. The Makhnovist army grew to several tens of thousands of fighters.


In November 1919, counterintelligence arrested a group of communists led by regimental commander M. Polonsky on charges of preparing a conspiracy and poisoning of Makhno. On December 2, 1919, the accused were shot.

In December 1919, the Makhnovist army was disorganized by a typhus epidemic, then Makhno also fell ill.

Between whites and reds

Having retreated from Yekaterinoslav under the onslaught of the Whites, Makhno with the main forces of the army retreated to Aleksandrovsk. On January 5, 1920, units of the 45th division of the Red Army arrived here. At negotiations with representatives of the red command, Makhno and representatives of his headquarters demanded that they be allocated a section of the front to fight the whites and maintain control over their area. Makhno and his staff insisted on concluding a formal agreement with the Soviet leadership. January 6, 1920 Commander of the 14th I.P. Uborevich ordered Makhno to advance to the Polish front. Without waiting for an answer, the All-Ukrainian Revolutionary Committee declared Makhno outlawed on January 9, 1920, under the pretext of his failure to comply with the order to go to the Polish front. The Reds attacked Makhno's headquarters in Aleksandrovsk, but he managed to escape to Gulyai-Polye on January 10, 1920.

At a meeting of command staff in Gulyai-Polye on January 11, 1920, it was decided to grant the rebels a month's leave. Makhno declared his readiness to “go hand in hand” with the Red Army while maintaining independence. At this time, more than two Red divisions attacked, disarmed and partially shot the Makhnovists, including the sick. Makhno's brother Grigory was captured and shot, and in February, another brother Savva, who was involved in supply in the Makhnovist army, was captured. Makhno went into hiding during his illness.

After Makhno's recovery in February 1920, the Makhnovists resumed hostilities against the Reds. In winter and spring, a grueling guerrilla war unfolded; the Makhnovists attacked small detachments, workers of the Bolshevik apparatus, warehouses, distributing grain supplies to the peasants. In the area of ​​​​Makhno's actions, the Bolsheviks were forced to go underground, and spoke openly only when accompanied by large military units. In May 1920, the Council of Revolutionary Insurgents of Ukraine (Makhnovists) was created, headed by Makhno, which included Chief of Staff V.F. Belash, commanders Kalashnikov, Kurylenko and Karetnikov. The name SRPU emphasized that we are not talking about the RVS, usual for a civil war, but about a “nomadic” government body of the Makhnovist republic.

Wrangel’s attempts to establish an alliance with Makhno ended in the execution of the White emissary by decision of the SRPU and the Makhnovist headquarters on July 9, 1920.

In March-May 1920, detachments under the command of Makhno fought with units of the 1st Cavalry Army, VOKhR and other forces of the Red Army. In the summer of 1920, the army under the overall command of Makhno numbered more than 10 thousand soldiers. On July 11, 1920, Makhno’s army began a raid outside its region, during which it took the cities of Izyum, Zenkov, Mirgorod, Starobelsk, Millerovo. On August 29, 1920, Makhno was seriously wounded in the leg (in total, Makhno had more than 10 wounds).

In the conditions of Wrangel’s offensive, when the Whites occupied Gulyai-Polye, Makhno and his Socialist Party of Ukraine were not against concluding a new alliance with the Reds if they were ready to recognize the equality of the Makhnovists and the Bolsheviks. At the end of September, consultations about the union began. On October 1, after a preliminary agreement on the cessation of hostilities with the Reds, Makhno, in an address to the rebels operating in Ukraine, called on them to stop hostilities against the Bolsheviks: “by remaining indifferent spectators, the Ukrainian rebels would help the reign in Ukraine of either the historical enemy - the Polish lord, or again royal power headed by a German baron." On October 2, an agreement was signed between the government of the Ukrainian SSR and the Socialist Party of Ukraine (Makhnovists). In accordance with the agreement between the Makhnovists and the Red Army, hostilities ceased, an amnesty was declared in Ukraine for anarchists and Makhnovists, they received the right to propagate their ideas without calling for the violent overthrow of the Soviet government, to participate in councils and in elections to the V Congress of Councils scheduled for December. The parties mutually agreed not to accept deserters. The Makhnovist army came under operational subordination to the Soviet command with the condition that it “preserved the previously established routine within itself.”

Acting together with the Red Army, on October 26, 1920, the Makhnovists liberated Gulyai-Polye, where Makhno was stationed, from the Whites. The best forces of the Makhnovists (2,400 sabers, 1,900 bayonets, 450 machine guns and 32 guns) under the command of S. Karetnikov were sent to the front against Wrangel (Makhno himself, wounded in the leg, remained in Gulyai-Polye) and participated in the crossing of Sivash.

After the victory over the Whites on November 26, 1920, the Reds suddenly attacked the Makhnovists. Having taken command of the army, Makhno managed to escape from the blow dealt to his forces in Gulyai-Polye. Southern Front of the Red Army under the command of M.V. Frunze, relying on his multiple superiority in forces, managed to encircle Makhno in Andreevka near the Sea of ​​Azov, but on December 14-18, Makhno broke into operational space. However, he had to go to the Right Bank of the Dnieper, where the Makhnovists did not have sufficient support from the population. During heavy fighting in January-February 1921, the Makhnovists broke through to their native places. On March 13, 1921, Makhno was again seriously wounded in the leg.


In 1921, Makhno's troops finally turned into gangs of robbers and rapists.

Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 1969-1978.

Nestor Makhno in the Zaporozhye Regional Museum of Local Lore

On May 22, 1921, Makhno moved to a new raid to the north. Despite the fact that the headquarters of the unified army was restored, the forces of the Makhnovists were dispersed, Makhno was able to concentrate only 1,300 fighters for operations in the Poltava region. At the end of June - beginning of July M.V. Frunze inflicted a sensitive defeat on the Makhnovist strike group in the area of ​​the Sulla and Psel rivers. After the announcement of the NEP, peasant support for the rebels weakened. On July 16, 1921, Makhno, at a meeting in Isaevka near Taganrog, proposed that his army make its way to Galicia to raise an uprising there. But disagreements arose over what to do next, and only a minority of fighters followed Makhno.

Makhno with a small detachment broke through all of Ukraine to the Romanian border and on August 28, 1921 crossed the Dniester into Bessarabia.

Emigration

Once in Romania, the Makhnovists were disarmed by the authorities, in 1922 they moved to Poland and were placed in an internment camp. On April 12, 1922, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee announced a political amnesty, which did not apply to 7 “hardened criminals,” including Makhno. The Soviet authorities demanded the extradition of Makhno as a “bandit.” In 1923, Makhno, his wife and two associates were arrested and accused of preparing an uprising in Eastern Galicia. On October 30, 1923, a daughter, Elena, was born to Makhno and Kuzmenko in a Warsaw prison. Makhno and his comrades were acquitted by the court. In 1924, Makhno moved to Danzig, where he was again arrested in connection with the killings of Germans during the civil war. Having fled from Danzig to Berlin, Makhno arrived in Paris in April 1925 and from 1926 settled in the suburb of Vincennes. Here Makhno worked as a turner, carpenter, painter and shoemaker. Participated in public discussions about the Makhnovist movement and anarchism.


In 1923-1933. Makhno published articles and brochures devoted to the history of the Makhnovist movement, the theory and practice of anarchism and the labor movement, and criticism of the communist regime. In November 1925, Makhno wrote about anarchism: “the absence of his own organization capable of opposing its living forces to the enemies of the Revolution made him a helpless organizer.” Therefore, it is necessary to create a “Union of Anarchists, built on the principle of common discipline and common leadership of all anarchist forces.”

In June 1926, Arshinov and Makhno put forward a draft “Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists,” which proposed to unite the anarchists of the world on the basis of discipline, combining anarchist principles of self-government with institutions where “leading positions in the economic and social life of the country” are preserved. Supporters of the "Platform" held a conference in March 1927, which began to create the International Anarcho-Communist Federation. Makhno entered the secretariat to convene its congress. But soon leading anarchist theorists criticized the Platform project as too authoritarian and contrary to the principles of the anarchist movement. Desperate to come to an agreement with the anarchists, in 1931 Arshinov switched to the position of Bolshevism, and the idea of ​​“platformism” failed. Makhno did not forgive his old comrade for this renegade.

Makhno’s original political testament was his 1931 letter to the Spanish anarchists J. Carbo and A. Pestaña, in which he warned them against an alliance with the communists during the revolution that had begun in Spain. Makhno warns his Spanish comrades: “Having experienced relative freedom, the anarchists, like ordinary people, became carried away by free speech.”

Cover of a book about N.I. Makhno

Since 1929, Makhno’s tuberculosis worsened; he took part in public activities less and less, but continued to work on his memoirs. The first volume was published in 1929, the other two were published posthumously. There he outlined his views on the future anarchist system: “I thought of such a system only in the form of a free Soviet system, in which the entire country is covered by local, completely free and independent social self-government of workers.”

At the beginning of 1934, Makhno’s tuberculosis worsened and he was admitted to the hospital. He died in July.

Makhno's ashes were buried in the Père Lachaise cemetery next to the graves of the Parisian communards. Two years after his death, the black banner of anarchy, which had fallen from Makhno’s hands, would again develop next to the red and republican banners in revolutionary Spain - contrary to the warnings of the father and in accordance with the experience of the Makhnovist movement, in accordance with the very logic of the struggle against oppression and exploitation.

SHUBIN A.V., Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor

Literature

Antonov-Ovseenko V.A. Notes on the Civil War. M-L., 1932.

Arshinov P. History of the Makhnovist movement. Berlin, 1923.

Belash A.V., Belash V.F. The roads of Nestor Makhno. Kyiv, 1993.

Makhnovshchina and its yesterday's Bolshevik allies. Paris, 1928.

Nestor Ivanovich Makhno. Kyiv, 1991.

Nestor Makhno. Peasant movement in Ukraine. 1918-1921. M., 2006.

Skirda A. Nestor Makhno. Cossack of Freedom (1888-1934). Civil war and the struggle for free councils in Ukraine in 1917-1921. Paris, 2001.

Shubin A.V. Makhno and his time. ABOUT Great Revolution and the Civil War of 1917-1922. in Russia and Ukraine. M., 2013.

Internet

Stessel Anatoly Mikhailovich

Commandant of Port Arthur during his heroic defense. The unprecedented ratio of losses of Russian and Japanese troops before the surrender of the fortress is 1:10.

Duke of Württemberg Eugene

General of the Infantry, cousin of the Emperors Alexander I and Nicholas I. In service in the Russian Army since 1797 (enlisted as a colonel in the Life Guards Horse Regiment by Decree of Emperor Paul I). Participated in military campaigns against Napoleon in 1806-1807. For participation in the battle of Pułtusk in 1806 he was awarded the Order of St. George the Victorious, 4th degree, for the campaign of 1807 he received a golden weapon “For Bravery”, he distinguished himself in the campaign of 1812 (he personally led the 4th Jaeger Regiment into battle in the Battle of Smolensk), for participation in the Battle of Borodino he was awarded the Order of St. George the Victorious, 3rd degree. Since November 1812, commander of the 2nd Infantry Corps in Kutuzov's army. He took an active part in the foreign campaigns of the Russian army in 1813-1814; units under his command particularly distinguished themselves in the Battle of Kulm in August 1813, and in the “Battle of the Nations” at Leipzig. For courage at Leipzig, Duke Eugene was awarded the Order of St. George, 2nd degree. Parts of his corps were the first to enter defeated Paris on April 30, 1814, for which Eugene of Württemberg received the rank of infantry general. From 1818 to 1821 was the commander of the 1st Army Infantry Corps. Contemporaries considered Prince Eugene of Württemberg one of the best Russian infantry commanders during the Napoleonic Wars. On December 21, 1825, Nicholas I was appointed chief of the Tauride Grenadier Regiment, which became known as the “Grenadier Regiment of His Royal Highness Prince Eugene of Württemberg.” On August 22, 1826 he was awarded the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called. Participated in the Russian-Turkish war of 1827-1828. as commander of the 7th Infantry Corps. On October 3, he defeated a large Turkish detachment on the Kamchik River.

Saltykov Pyotr Semyonovich

The largest successes of the Russian army in the Seven Years' War of 1756-1763 are associated with his name. Winner in the battles of Palzig,
In the Battle of Kunersdorf, defeating the Prussian king Frederick II the Great, Berlin was taken by the troops of Totleben and Chernyshev.

Dokhturov Dmitry Sergeevich

Defense of Smolensk.
Command of the left flank on the Borodino field after Bagration was wounded.
Battle of Tarutino.

Kutuzov Mikhail Illarionovich

It is certainly worthy; in my opinion, no explanation or evidence is required. It's surprising that his name isn't on the list. was the list prepared by representatives of the Unified State Examination generation?

Kappel Vladimir Oskarovich

Perhaps he is the most talented commander of the entire Civil War, even if compared with the commanders of all its sides. A man of powerful military talent, fighting spirit and Christian noble qualities is a true White Knight. Kappel's talent and personal qualities were noticed and respected even by his opponents. Author of many military operations and exploits - including the capture of Kazan, the Great Siberian Ice Campaign, etc. Many of his calculations, not assessed on time and missed through no fault of his own, later turned out to be the most correct, as the course of the Civil War showed.

Barclay de Tolly Mikhail Bogdanovich

In front of the Kazan Cathedral there are two statues of the saviors of the fatherland. Saving the army, exhausting the enemy, the Battle of Smolensk - this is more than enough.

Rurikovich Svyatoslav Igorevich

He defeated the Khazar Khaganate, expanded the borders of Russian lands, and successfully fought with the Byzantine Empire.

Field Marshal General Gudovich Ivan Vasilievich

Storm Turkish fortress Anapa June 22, 1791. In terms of complexity and importance, it is only inferior to the assault on Izmail by A.V. Suvorov.
A 7,000-strong Russian detachment stormed Anapa, which was defended by a 25,000-strong Turkish garrison. At the same time, soon after the start of the assault, the Russian detachment was attacked from the mountains by 8,000 mounted highlanders and Turks, who attacked the Russian camp, but were unable to break into it, were repulsed in a fierce battle and pursued by the Russian cavalry.
The fierce battle for the fortress lasted over 5 hours. About 8,000 people from the Anapa garrison died, 13,532 defenders led by the commandant and Sheikh Mansur were taken prisoner. A small part (about 150 people) escaped on ships. Almost all the artillery was captured or destroyed (83 cannons and 12 mortars), 130 banners were taken. Gudovich sent a separate detachment from Anapa to the nearby Sudzhuk-Kale fortress (on the site of modern Novorossiysk), but upon his approach the garrison burned the fortress and fled to the mountains, abandoning 25 guns.
The losses of the Russian detachment were very high - 23 officers and 1,215 privates were killed, 71 officers and 2,401 privates were wounded (Sytin's Military Encyclopedia gives slightly lower data - 940 killed and 1,995 wounded). Gudovich was awarded the Order of St. George, 2nd degree, all the officers of his detachment were awarded, and a special medal was established for the lower ranks.

Stalin Joseph Vissarionovich

He led the armed struggle of the Soviet people in the war against Germany and its allies and satellites, as well as in the war against Japan.
Led the Red Army to Berlin and Port Arthur.

Zhukov Georgy Konstantinovich

He made the greatest contribution as a strategist to the victory in the Great Patriotic War (aka World War II).

Shein Mikhail Borisovich

He headed the Smolensk defense against Polish-Lithuanian troops, which lasted 20 months. Under the command of Shein, multiple attacks were repelled, despite the explosion and a hole in the wall. He held back and bled the main forces of the Poles at the decisive moment of the Time of Troubles, preventing them from moving to Moscow to support their garrison, creating the opportunity to gather an all-Russian militia to liberate the capital. Only with the help of a defector, the troops of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth managed to take Smolensk on June 3, 1611. The wounded Shein was captured and taken with his family to Poland for 8 years. After returning to Russia, he commanded the army that tried to recapture Smolensk in 1632-1634. Executed due to boyar slander. Undeservedly forgotten.

Kolchak Alexander Vasilievich

A person who combines the body of knowledge of a natural scientist, a scientist and a great strategist.

Minich Burchard-Christopher

One of the best Russian commanders and military engineers. The first commander to enter Crimea. Winner at Stavuchany.

Platov Matvey Ivanovich

Military Ataman of the Don Cossack Army. Started active military service from the age of 13. A participant in several military campaigns, he is best known as the commander of Cossack troops during the Patriotic War of 1812 and during the subsequent Foreign Campaign of the Russian Army. Thanks to the successful actions of the Cossacks under his command, Napoleon’s saying went down in history:
- Happy is the commander who has Cossacks. If I had an army of only Cossacks, I would conquer all of Europe.

Alekseev Mikhail Vasilievich

Outstanding Employee Russian Academy General Staff. Developer and implementer of the Galician operation - the first brilliant victory of the Russian army in the Great War.
Saved the troops of the North-Western Front from encirclement during the “Great Retreat” of 1915.
Chief of Staff of the Russian Armed Forces in 1916-1917.
Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army in 1917
Developed and implemented strategic plans for offensive operations in 1916 - 1917.
He continued to defend the need to preserve the Eastern Front after 1917 (the Volunteer Army is the basis of the new Eastern Front in the ongoing Great War).
Slandered and slandered in relation to various so-called. “Masonic military lodges”, “conspiracy of generals against the Sovereign”, etc., etc. - in terms of emigrant and modern historical journalism.

Prince Svyatoslav

Romanov Pyotr Alekseevich

During the endless discussions about Peter I as a politician and reformer, it is unfairly forgotten that he was the greatest commander of his time. He was not only an excellent organizer of the rear. In two the most important battles During the Northern War (the battles of Lesnaya and Poltava), he not only developed battle plans himself, but also personally led the troops, being in the most important, responsible areas.
The only commander I know of who was equally talented in both land and sea battles.
The main thing is that Peter I created a national military school. If all the great commanders of Russia are the heirs of Suvorov, then Suvorov himself is the heir of Peter.
The Battle of Poltava was one of the greatest (if not the greatest) victory in Russian history. In all other great aggressive invasions of Russia, the general battle did not have a decisive outcome, and the struggle dragged on, leading to exhaustion. It was only in the Northern War that the general battle radically changed the state of affairs, and from the attacking side the Swedes became the defending side, decisively losing the initiative.
I believe that Peter I deserves to be in the top three on the list of the best commanders of Russia.

Kutuzov Mikhail Illarionovich

Commander-in-Chief during Patriotic War 1812. One of the most famous and beloved military heroes by the people!

Stalin Joseph Vissarionovich

Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War. Under his leadership, the Red Army crushed fascism.

Momyshuly Bauyrzhan

Fidel Castro called him a hero of World War II.
He brilliantly put into practice the tactics of fighting with small forces against an enemy many times superior in strength, developed by Major General I.V. Panfilov, which later received the name “Momyshuly’s spiral.”

Rurikovich Svyatoslav Igorevich

Great commander of the Old Russian period. The first Kyiv prince known to us with a Slavic name. The last pagan ruler Old Russian state. He glorified Rus' as a great military power in the campaigns of 965-971. Karamzin called him “Alexander (Macedonian) of our ancient history" The prince released Slavic tribes from vassal dependence on the Khazars, defeating the Khazar Kaganate in 965. According to the Tale of Bygone Years, in 970, during the Russian-Byzantine War, Svyatoslav managed to win the battle of Arcadiopolis, having 10,000 soldiers under his command, against 100,000 Greeks. But at the same time, Svyatoslav led the life of a simple warrior: “On campaigns he did not carry carts or cauldrons with him, did not cook meat, but, thinly slicing horse meat, or animal meat, or beef and roasting it on coals, he ate it like that; he did not have a tent , but he slept, spreading a sweatshirt with a saddle in his head - the same were all the rest of his warriors. And he sent envoys to other lands [usually before declaring war] with the words: “I’m coming to you!” (According to PVL)

Pozharsky Dmitry Mikhailovich

In 1612, during the most difficult time for Russia, he led the Russian militia and liberated the capital from the hands of the conquerors.
Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky (November 1, 1578 - April 30, 1642) - Russian national hero, military and political figure, head of the Second People's Militia, which liberated Moscow from the Polish-Lithuanian occupiers. His name and the name of Kuzma Minin are closely associated with the country’s exit from the Time of Troubles, which is currently celebrated in Russia on November 4th.
After the election of Mikhail Fedorovich to the Russian throne, D. M. Pozharsky plays a leading role at the royal court as a talented military leader and statesman. Despite the victory of the people's militia and the election of the Tsar, the war in Russia still continued. In 1615-1616. Pozharsky, on the instructions of the tsar, was sent at the head of a large army to fight the detachments of the Polish colonel Lisovsky, who besieged the city of Bryansk and took Karachev. After the fight with Lisovsky, the tsar instructs Pozharsky in the spring of 1616 to collect the fifth money from merchants into the treasury, since the wars did not stop and the treasury was depleted. In 1617, the tsar instructed Pozharsky to conduct diplomatic negotiations with the English ambassador John Merik, appointing Pozharsky as governor of Kolomensky. In the same year, the Polish prince Vladislav came to the Moscow state. Residents of Kaluga and its neighboring cities turned to the tsar with a request to send them D. M. Pozharsky to protect them from the Poles. The Tsar fulfilled the request of the Kaluga residents and gave an order to Pozharsky on October 18, 1617 to protect Kaluga and surrounding cities by all available measures. Prince Pozharsky fulfilled the tsar's order with honor. Having successfully defended Kaluga, Pozharsky received an order from the tsar to go to the aid of Mozhaisk, namely to the city of Borovsk, and began to harass the troops of Prince Vladislav with flying detachments, causing them significant damage. However, at the same time, Pozharsky became very ill and, at the behest of the tsar, returned to Moscow. Pozharsky, having barely recovered from his illness, took an active part in defending the capital from Vladislav’s troops, for which Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich awarded him new fiefs and estates.

Platov Matvey Ivanovich

Ataman of the Great Don Army (from 1801), cavalry general (1809), who took part in all the wars of the Russian Empire at the end of the 18th - beginning of the 19th centuries.
In 1771 he distinguished himself during the attack and capture of the Perekop line and Kinburn. From 1772 he began to command a Cossack regiment. During the 2nd Turkish War he distinguished himself during the assault on Ochakov and Izmail. Participated in the battle of Preussisch-Eylau.
During the Patriotic War of 1812, he first commanded all the Cossack regiments on the border, and then, covering the retreat of the army, won victories over the enemy near the towns of Mir and Romanovo. In the battle near the village of Semlevo, Platov’s army defeated the French and captured a colonel from the army of Marshal Murat. During the retreat of the French army, Platov, pursuing it, inflicted defeats on it at Gorodnya, Kolotsky Monastery, Gzhatsk, Tsarevo-Zaimishch, near Dukhovshchina and when crossing the Vop River. For his merits he was elevated to the rank of count. In November, Platov captured Smolensk from battle and defeated the troops of Marshal Ney near Dubrovna. At the beginning of January 1813, he entered Prussia and besieged Danzig; in September he received command of a special corps, with which he participated in the battle of Leipzig and, pursuing the enemy, captured about 15 thousand people. In 1814, he fought at the head of his regiments during the capture of Nemur, Arcy-sur-Aube, Cezanne, Villeneuve. Awarded the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called.

Dovator Lev Mikhailovich

Soviet military leader, major general, hero Soviet Union.Known for successful operations to destroy German troops during the Great Patriotic War. The German command placed a large reward on Dovator's head.
Together with the 8th Guards Division named after Major General I.V. Panfilov, the 1st Guards Tank Brigade of General M.E. Katukov and other troops of the 16th Army, his corps defended the approaches to Moscow in the Volokolamsk direction.

Ushakov Fedor Fedorovich

A man whose faith, courage, and patriotism defended our state

Stalin Joseph Vissarionovich

“I studied J.V. Stalin thoroughly as a military leader, since I went through the entire war with him. I.V. Stalin knew the issues of organizing front-line operations and operations of groups of fronts and led them with full knowledge affairs, having a good understanding of large strategic issues...
In leading the armed struggle as a whole, J.V. Stalin was helped by his natural intelligence and rich intuition. He knew how to find the main link in a strategic situation and, seizing on it, counter the enemy, carry out one or another major offensive operation. Undoubtedly, he was a worthy Supreme Commander."

(Zhukov G.K. Memories and reflections.)

Kolovrat Evpatiy Lvovich

Ryazan boyar and governor. During Batu's invasion of Ryazan he was in Chernigov. Having learned about the Mongol invasion, he hastily moved to the city. Finding Ryazan completely incinerated, Evpatiy Kolovrat with a detachment of 1,700 people began to catch up with Batya’s army. Having overtaken them, the rearguard destroyed them. He also killed the strong warriors of the Batyevs. Died on January 11, 1238.

Yudenich Nikolai Nikolaevich

One of the most successful generals in Russia during the First World War. The Erzurum and Sarakamysh operations carried out by him on the Caucasian front, carried out in extremely unfavorable conditions for Russian troops, and ending in victories, I believe, deserve to be included among the brightest victories of Russian weapons. In addition, Nikolai Nikolaevich stood out for his modesty and decency, lived and died as an honest Russian officer, and remained faithful to the oath to the end.

Kornilov Lavr Georgievich

KORNILOV Lavr Georgievich (08/18/1870-04/31/1918) Colonel (02/1905). Major General (12/1912). Lieutenant General (08/26/1914). Infantry General (06/30/1917). Graduated from the Mikhailovsky Artillery School (1892) and with a gold medal from the Nikolaev Academy of the General Staff (1898). Officer at the headquarters of the Turkestan Military District, 1889-1904. Participant in the Russian-Japanese War 1904 - 1905: staff officer of the 1st Infantry Brigade (at its headquarters). During the retreat from Mukden, the brigade got surrounded. Having led the rearguard, he broke through the encirclement with a bayonet attack, ensuring freedom of defensive combat operations for the brigade. Military attaché in China, 04/01/1907 - 02/24/1911. Participant in the First World War: commander of the 48th Infantry Division of the 8th Army (General Brusilov). During the general retreat, the 48th Division was surrounded and General Kornilov, who was wounded, was captured on 04.1915 at the Duklinsky Pass (Carpathians); 08.1914-04.1915. Captured by the Austrians, 04.1915-06.1916. Dressed in the uniform of an Austrian soldier, he escaped from captivity on 06/1915. Commander of the 25th Rifle Corps, 06/1916-04/1917. Commander of the Petrograd Military District, 03-04/1917. Commander of the 8th Army, 04/24-07/8/1917. On 05/19/1917, by his order, he introduced the formation of the first volunteer “1st Shock Detachment of the 8th Army” under the command of Captain Nezhentsev. Commander of the Southwestern Front...

Gagen Nikolai Alexandrovich

On June 22, trains with units of the 153rd Infantry Division arrived in Vitebsk. Covering the city from the west, Hagen's division (together with the heavy artillery regiment attached to the division) occupied a 40 km long defense line; it was opposed by the 39th German Motorized Corps.

After 7 days of fierce fighting, the division's battle formations were not broken through. The Germans no longer contacted the division, bypassed it and continued the offensive. The division appeared in a German radio message as destroyed. Meanwhile, the 153rd Rifle Division, without ammunition and fuel, began to fight its way out of the ring. Hagen led the division out of encirclement with heavy weapons.

For the demonstrated steadfastness and heroism during the Elninsky operation on September 18, 1941, by order of the People's Commissar of Defense No. 308, the division received the honorary name “Guards”.
From 01/31/1942 to 09/12/1942 and from 10/21/1942 to 04/25/1943 - commander of the 4th Guards Rifle Corps,
from May 1943 to October 1944 - commander of the 57th Army,
from January 1945 - the 26th Army.

Troops under the leadership of N.A. Gagen took part in the Sinyavinsk operation (and the general managed to break out of encirclement for the second time with weapons in hand), the Battles of Stalingrad and Kursk, battles in the Left Bank and Right Bank Ukraine, in the liberation of Bulgaria, in the Iasi-Kishinev, Belgrade, Budapest, Balaton and Vienna operations. Participant of the Victory Parade.

Ermolov Alexey Petrovich

Hero of the Napoleonic Wars and the Patriotic War of 1812. Conqueror of the Caucasus. A smart strategist and tactician, a strong-willed and brave warrior.

Yudenich Nikolai Nikolaevich

October 3, 2013 marks the 80th anniversary of the death in the French city of Cannes of the Russian military leader, commander of the Caucasian Front, hero of Mukden, Sarykamysh, Van, Erzurum (thanks to the complete defeat of the 90,000-strong Turkish army, Constantinople and the Bosporus with the Dardanelles retreated to Russia), the savior of the Armenian people from complete Turkish genocide, holder of three orders of George and highest order France Grand Cross of the Order of the Legion of Honor, General Nikolai Nikolaevich Yudenich.
Lazar Moiseevich

Svyatoslav Igorevich

I would like to propose the “candidacies” of Svyatoslav and his father, Igor, as greatest commanders and political leaders of their time, I think there is no point in listing to historians their services to the fatherland, I was unpleasantly surprised not to see their names on this list. Sincerely.

Participated in the Russian-Turkish War of 1787-91 and the Russian-Swedish War of 1788-90. He distinguished himself during the war with France in 1806-07 at Preussisch-Eylau, and from 1807 he commanded a division. During the Russian-Swedish war of 1808-09 he commanded a corps; led the successful crossing of the Kvarken Strait in the winter of 1809. In 1809-10, Governor-General of Finland. From January 1810 to September 1812, the Minister of War did a lot of work to strengthen the Russian army, and separated the intelligence and counterintelligence service into a separate production. In the Patriotic War of 1812 he commanded the 1st Western Army, and, as Minister of War, the 2nd Western Army was subordinate to him. In conditions of significant superiority of the enemy, he showed his talent as a commander and successfully carried out the withdrawal and unification of the two armies, which earned M.I. Kutuzov such words as THANK YOU DEAR FATHER!!! SAVED THE ARMY!!! SAVED RUSSIA!!!. However, the retreat caused discontent in noble circles and the army, and on August 17 Barclay surrendered command of the armies to M.I. Kutuzov. In the Battle of Borodino he commanded the right wing of the Russian army, showing steadfastness and skill in defense. He recognized the position chosen by L. L. Bennigsen near Moscow as unsuccessful and supported M. I. Kutuzov’s proposal to leave Moscow at the military council in Fili. In September 1812, due to illness, he left the army. In February 1813 he was appointed commander of the 3rd and then the Russian-Prussian army, which he successfully commanded during the foreign campaigns of the Russian army of 1813-14 (Kulm, Leipzig, Paris). Buried in the Beklor estate in Livonia (now Jõgeveste Estonia)

Yuri Vsevolodovich

Chapaev Vasily Ivanovich

01/28/1887 - 09/05/1919 life. Head of the Red Army division, participant in the First World War and the Civil War.
Recipient of three St. George's Crosses and the St. George's Medal. Knight of the Order of the Red Banner.
On his account:
- Organization of the district Red Guard of 14 detachments.
- Participation in the campaign against General Kaledin (near Tsaritsyn).
- Participation in the campaign of the Special Army to Uralsk.
- Initiative to reorganize the Red Guard units into two Red Army regiments: them. Stepan Razin and them. Pugachev, united in the Pugachev brigade under the command of Chapaev.
- Participation in battles with the Czechoslovaks and the People’s Army, from whom Nikolaevsk was recaptured, renamed Pugachevsk in honor of the brigade.
- Since September 19, 1918, commander of the 2nd Nikolaev Division.
- Since February 1919 - Commissioner of Internal Affairs of the Nikolaev district.
- Since May 1919 - brigade commander of the Special Alexandrovo-Gai Brigade.
- Since June - head of the 25th Infantry Division, which participated in the Bugulma and Belebeyevskaya operations against Kolchak’s army.
- Capture of Ufa by the forces of his division on June 9, 1919.
- Capture of Uralsk.
- A deep raid of a Cossack detachment with an attack on the well-guarded (about 1000 bayonets) and located in the deep rear of the city of Lbischensk (now the village of Chapaev, West Kazakhstan region of Kazakhstan), where the headquarters of the 25th division was located.

Bobrok-Volynsky Dmitry Mikhailovich

Boyar and governor of Grand Duke Dmitry Ivanovich Donskoy. "Developer" of the tactics of the Battle of Kulikovo.

Kolchak Alexander Vasilievich

A prominent military figure, scientist, traveler and discoverer. Admiral of the Russian Fleet, whose talent was highly appreciated by Emperor Nicholas II. The Supreme Ruler of Russia during the Civil War, a true Patriot of his Fatherland, a man of a tragic, interesting fate. One of those military men who tried to save Russia during the years of turmoil, in the most difficult conditions, being in very difficult international diplomatic conditions.

Suvorov Alexander Vasilievich

If anyone has not heard, there is no point in writing

Loris-Melikov Mikhail Tarielovich

Known mainly as one of the minor characters in the story “Hadji Murad” by L.N. Tolstoy, Mikhail Tarielovich Loris-Melikov went through all the Caucasian and Turkish campaigns of the second half of the mid-19th century.

Having shown himself excellently during the Caucasian War, during the Kars campaign of the Crimean War, Loris-Melikov led reconnaissance, and then successfully served as commander-in-chief during the difficult Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878, winning a number of important victories over the united Turkish forces and in the third once he captured Kars, which by that time was considered impregnable.

Sheremetev Boris Petrovich

His Serene Highness Prince Wittgenstein Peter Christianovich

For the defeat of the French units of Oudinot and MacDonald at Klyastitsy, thereby closing the road for the French army to St. Petersburg in 1812. Then in October 1812 he defeated the corps of Saint-Cyr at Polotsk. He was the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian-Prussian armies in April-May 1813.

Rumyantsev Pyotr Alexandrovich

Russian military leader and statesman, who ruled Little Russia throughout the reign of Catherine II (1761-96). During the Seven Years' War he commanded the capture of Kolberg. For victories over the Turks at Larga, Kagul and others, which led to the conclusion of the Kuchuk-Kainardzhi Peace, he was awarded the title “Transdanubian”. In 1770 he received the rank of Field Marshal. Knight of the Russian orders of St. Andrew the Apostle, St. Alexander Nevsky, St. George 1st class and St. Vladimir 1st class, Prussian Black Eagle and St. Anna 1st class

Dzhugashvili Joseph Vissarionovich

Assembled and coordinated the actions of a team of talented military leaders

Brusilov Alexey Alekseevich

One of the best Russian generals of the First World War. In June 1916, troops of the Southwestern Front under the command of Adjutant General A.A. Brusilov, simultaneously striking in several directions, broke through the enemy’s deeply layered defenses and advanced 65 km. In military history, this operation was called the Brusilov breakthrough.

Kotlyarevsky Petr Stepanovich

General Kotlyarevsky, son of a priest in the village of Olkhovatki, Kharkov province. He worked his way up from a private to a general in the tsarist army. He can be called the great-grandfather of Russian special forces. He carried out truly unique operations... His name is worthy of being included in the list of the greatest commanders of Russia

Chernyakhovsky Ivan Danilovich

To a person to whom this name means nothing, there is no need to explain and it is useless. To the one to whom it says something, everything is clear.
Twice hero of the Soviet Union. Commander of the 3rd Belorussian Front. The youngest front commander. Counts,. that he was an army general - but just before his death (February 18, 1945) he received the rank of Marshal of the Soviet Union.
Liberated three of the six capitals of the Union Republics captured by the Nazis: Kyiv, Minsk. Vilnius. Decided the fate of Kenicksberg.
One of the few who drove back the Germans on June 23, 1941.
He held the front in Valdai. In many ways, he determined the fate of repelling the German offensive on Leningrad. Voronezh held. Liberated Kursk.
He successfully advanced until the summer of 1943, forming with his army the top of the Kursk Bulge. Liberated the Left Bank of Ukraine. I took Kyiv. He repulsed Manstein's counterattack. Liberated Western Ukraine.
Carried out Operation Bagration. Surrounded and taken prisoner by his offensive in the summer of 1944, the Germans then humiliatedly walked through the streets of Moscow. Belarus. Lithuania. Neman. East Prussia.

Rokossovsky Konstantin Konstantinovich

Because he inspires many by personal example.

Barclay de Tolly Mikhail Bogdanovich

Full Knight of the Order of St. George. In the history of military art, according to Western authors (for example: J. Witter), he entered as the architect of the “scorched earth” strategy and tactics - cutting off the main enemy troops from the rear, depriving them of supplies and organizing guerrilla warfare in their rear. M.V. Kutuzov, after taking command of the Russian army, essentially continued the tactics developed by Barclay de Tolly and defeated Napoleon’s army.

Voronov Nikolay Nikolaevich

N.N. Voronov is the commander of artillery of the USSR Armed Forces. For outstanding services to the Motherland, N.N. Voronov. the first in the Soviet Union to be assigned military ranks"Marshal of Artillery" (1943) and "Chief Marshal of Artillery" (1944).
...carried out general management of the liquidation of the Nazi group surrounded at Stalingrad.

Vasilevsky Alexander Mikhailovich

Alexander Mikhailovich Vasilevsky (September 18 (30), 1895 - December 5, 1977) - Soviet military leader, Marshal of the Soviet Union (1943), Chief of the General Staff, member of the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command. During the Great Patriotic War, as Chief of the General Staff (1942-1945), he took an active part in the development and implementation of almost all major operations on the Soviet-German front. From February 1945, he commanded the 3rd Belorussian Front and led the assault on Königsberg. In 1945, the commander-in-chief of the Soviet troops at Far East in the war with Japan. One of the greatest commanders of the Second World War.
In 1949-1953 - Minister of the Armed Forces and Minister of War of the USSR. Twice Hero of the Soviet Union (1944, 1945), holder of two Orders of Victory (1944, 1945).

Golovanov Alexander Evgenievich

He is the creator of Soviet long-range aviation (LAA).
Units under the command of Golovanov bombed Berlin, Koenigsberg, Danzig and other cities in Germany, striking important strategic targets behind enemy lines.

Romodanovsky Grigory Grigorievich

There are no outstanding military figures on the project from the period from the Time of Troubles to the Northern War, although there were some. An example of this is G.G. Romodanovsky.
He came from a family of Starodub princes.
Participant of the sovereign's campaign against Smolensk in 1654. In September 1655, together with the Ukrainian Cossacks, he defeated the Poles near Gorodok (near Lvov), and in November of the same year he fought in the battle of Ozernaya. In 1656 he received the rank of okolnichy and headed the Belgorod rank. In 1658 and 1659 participated in hostilities against Hetman Vyhovsky, who betrayed him, and Crimean Tatars, besieged Varva and fought near Konotop (Romodanovsky’s troops withstood a heavy battle at the crossing of the Kukolka River). In 1664, he played a decisive role in repelling the invasion of the Polish king’s 70 thousand army into Left Bank Ukraine, inflicting a number of sensitive blows on it. In 1665 he was made a boyar. In 1670 he acted against the Razins - he defeated the detachment of the chieftain's brother, Frol. The crowning achievement of Romodanovsky's military activity was the war with the Ottoman Empire. In 1677 and 1678 troops under his leadership inflicted heavy defeats on the Ottomans. An interesting point: both main figures in the Battle of Vienna in 1683 were defeated by G.G. Romodanovsky: Sobieski with his king in 1664 and Kara Mustafa in 1678
The prince died on May 15, 1682 during the Streltsy uprising in Moscow. G.K. Zhukov showed the ability to manage large military formations numbering 800 thousand - 1 million people. At the same time, the specific losses suffered by his troops (i.e., correlated with numbers) turned out to be lower over and over again than those of his neighbors.
Also G.K. Zhukov demonstrated remarkable knowledge of the properties of the military equipment in service with the Red Army - knowledge that was very necessary for the commander of industrial wars.

Against the gangs of Makhno and Grigoriev

On a winter morning in 1919, a man above average height, about thirty-five years old, dressed in a dark blue jacket and felt boots, entered my carriage (the headquarters of the Ukrainian Front at that time was located in carriages). The blue glasses caught my eye and long hair. He recommended:

Gusev, chief of staff of Makhno's detachment. They pointed me to your carriage. Who am I talking to?

The head of counterintelligence of the front, Fomin, - I, in turn, introduced myself.

For two hours, Kushnarev and I listened to Gusev, who spoke in detail about Makhno, about the origins of the Makhnovshchina in Ukraine, about what the detachment is at the present time, what goal it is pursuing and with whom it is fighting. Of course, Makhno and the Makhnovists were presented in the most attractive light and painted as “fighters for the cause of the people.”

Kushnarev, grinning, looked at me meaningfully, but did not interrupt. We knew what kind of bird Makhno was!

Makhno sent me to you in Kharkov on a special mission,” said Gusev. - Let the Revolutionary Military Council of the front decide what we should do, since units of the Red Army are approaching Makhno’s area of ​​operation (Gulyai-Polye). We have about 10 thousand people. True, we are not well armed. But if we are provided with everything necessary, and above all weapons, we will be able to provide great assistance in defeating the White Guards. They are our sworn enemies. Makhno asked to convey to the front commander that his greatest desire was to fight together with the Red Army units.

At a special meeting of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Ukrainian Front, chaired by Antonov-Ovseenko, Makhno’s proposal was discussed. Opinions were divided. Some spoke out in favor of disbanding Makhno’s detachment and joining in small groups with the units of the Red Army units. Others proposed reorganizing Makhno’s detachments into a Red Army brigade, and leaving him as a commander, but sending a political inspectorate there, which would be tasked with comprehensively examining the brigade and finding out what was required for the brigade to be combat-ready.

This proposal was accepted. The newly formed brigade became part of the Trans-Dnieper division, commanded by P.E. Dybenko. After some time, the staunch Bolshevik former chairman of the military revolutionary tribunal, Viller, was appointed military commissar of the brigade. A group of political workers was sent to the brigade with him.

On January 23, Makhno’s brigade occupied Aleksandrovsk, and then Volnovakha, Mariupol and other cities. However, Makhno himself still waited, hoping that Soviet power would fall in a battle with foreign interventionists and their hirelings - White Guard generals and officers. An ardent anarchist, he only recognized Soviet power in words, but in reality he hated it fiercely and was ready to change it at the first opportunity.

On April 10, 1919, the Yekaterinoslav city party committee reported to the revolutionary military council of the front:

“The Makhnovists are negotiating with Grigoriev about a simultaneous attack against the Soviets. Today we detained Makhno’s delegate to Grigoriev. We ask you to take urgent measures to eliminate the Makhnovists, since now in the area where Makhno is located there is no opportunity for communists to work, who are being killed underground, and unrest may arise in the future.”

Commissar Willer and other political workers carried out their work in the Makhnovist units in an extremely difficult situation, and the results were not slow to show. Makhno, of course, treated the political workers unkindly and interfered with them in every possible way, trying to undermine their authority. And after some time, Makhno finally threw off his mask. The 13th Red Army, which included Makhno’s brigade, had to repel the Whites’ attack. On the eve of the battle, Makhno carried out a bloody massacre of the communists. All political workers were shot. Makhno and a group of thugs fled from their positions, opening the front. The White Guards did not fail to take advantage of Makhno’s betrayal.

Soon the Makhnovists showed up in the rear of our army and began to operate like a large organized gang. They cruelly mocked the civilian population, robbed and killed peasants, burned villages, and mercilessly destroyed all those who sympathized with Soviet power. This continued until the autumn of 1921.

However, at the end of 1920, Makhno made one last attempt, together with the Red Army, to oppose the Whites. This time he led an attack on Wrangel and provided our units with some assistance in expelling the white evil spirits from the Crimea. But, having occupied Sevastopol, the Makhnovists, with the blessing of their “father”, uttered the cry: “Crimea is yours, and in Crimea everything is yours!” - began their usual business: rob, kill, rape.

A group from the special department of the Cheka of the Southern Front, together with the Budennovites, was hastily called in to restore order. Many Makhnovists were then cut down by the blades of the cavalry soldiers, the rest fled.

After the February Revolution, Ataman Grigoriev served in the counter-revolutionary troops of the Central Rada, and then in the Petliura troops. At the end of January 1919, Grigoriev established the first contact with us from the Razdelnaya station, and at the beginning of February we received an official report from Voznesensk that Grigoriev and his units had gone over to our side.

In these units there were many kulaks, bourgeois nationalists and simply declassed elements. Very soon, a special department of the Cheka began to receive information that Ataman Grigoriev and his associates were extremely unfriendly towards communists and security officers. It was decided to take Grigoriev’s headquarters under special surveillance and assign a special employee there. Much of Grigoriev’s activities were still unclear, but the adventuristic essence of his aspirations had already become obvious. And this could lead to dire consequences.

Twice the front commander Antonov-Ovseenko ordered the commander of the group of troops Skachko to replace Grigoriev with another commander. However, Skachko did not dare to do this, believing that Grigoriev was militarily experienced, personally showing great initiative and courage, and possessing good combat efficiency. Skachko decided to find out for himself what the situation was. For this purpose, on February 28, he went to Alexandria, where Grigoriev’s headquarters was located.

Although Grigoriev was warned about Skachko’s arrival, neither Grigoriev himself nor his chief of staff Tyutyunik was there. Both had left for the front the day before. At the Grigorievsk headquarters, Skachko saw only a group of soldiers, about two hundred people, lying side by side near a tank with alcohol. At the railway station there were about 500 loaded wagons with all sorts of goods: alcohol, gasoline, sugar, cloth and so on. Grigoriev did not want to send them to the rear, he kept them with him.

A week later, front commander Antonov-Ovseenko also decided to go to Alexandria. But this time Grigoriev avoided the unpleasant meeting for him and left with Tyutyunik.

On March 25, he announced that he was surrounding Odessa and would soon take it. He invites all fellow partisans to come to him for the celebration of the capture of the city. And indeed, soon units under his command occupied the city.

On April 6, Grigoriev gives telegrams: “Kharkov - to Antonov-Ovseenko, Alexandria - headquarters - Dybenko, Gulyai-Polye - to Father Makhno, regiment commanders, Nikolaev - to the Chairman of the Council Sokolov. Through the exceptional efforts, hardships and sacrifices of the revolutionary troops commanded by me, the gangs of predators were completely defeated three times, pushed out into the sea in disgrace, along with the priests and two hundred of the noblest girls from the institute. Odessa was taken by storm... In Odessa we seized manufactories worth a billion rubles, and with this we saved Ukraine from the manufacturing and haberdashery ailment... Ataman Grigoriev.”

After this, Grigoriev already felt like a complete hero. By the way, the command decided to mark Grigoriev. On April 13, 1919, for military distinction, he was appointed division commander at the suggestion of the commander of the 3rd Army, Khudyakov. On April 18, Grigoriev and his troops were allowed to go on vacation to Alexandria. He takes with him wagons with food, textiles, haberdashery and other trophies.

From the first day of his arrival in Alexandria, Grigoriev’s behavior became openly unbridled. The drinking and partying did not stop. At the same time, Grigoriev began to bribe the petty-bourgeois part of the population. That's when the wagons with the manufactory came in handy! Grigoriev distributes goods free of charge to peasants and townspeople, trying to arouse sympathy and secure support for himself. Having become insolent, he throws out the slogan: “Down with the Cheka!”, and organizes pogroms of transport and county emergency commissions.

By that time, we received information that Petlyura wanted reconciliation with Grigoriev and sent a special commissioner to him to persuade him to once again oppose Soviet power.

The front command decided to send several dozen party workers to Grigoriev’s division. They managed to remove individual units from Grigoriev’s influence, and transfer two regiments - one to Crimea, the other to Odessa.

A special department of the Cheka raised the question of disarmament of Grigoriev’s units before the command, but then this could not be accomplished.

Front commander Antonov-Ovseenko once again went to Grigoriev in Alexandria and became convinced that the population in this area was hostile towards Soviet power. Grigoriev himself, in essence, was always hostile to the Bolsheviks, but at first, feeling the strength of the Red Army, he was forced to make concessions. His main inspirations for betraying Soviet power were the chief of staff Tyutyunik and the Left Socialist Revolutionary Party of Ukraine, which tenaciously held him in its hands. She kept in touch with him even when Grigoriev went over to the side of the Red Army.

On May 7, 1919, Grigoriev was supposed to speak out against the Romanian invaders, who went on the offensive and captured part of Soviet territory. Instead, Grigoriev turned his troops against the Red Army. To suppress the uprising, large forces were sent to this section of the front. The struggle began for the liberation of cities and villages occupied by Grigoriev’s gangs. Under the onslaught of units of the Red Army, the Grigorievites scattered, went into the forests, and hid in distant villages and farmsteads. But, having waited for an opportune moment, they again organized detachments and again opposed the Red Army. It was obvious that as long as the bandits had weapons in their hands and they had the opportunity to gather in groups, such tactics of fighting them would not yield positive results.

Urgent and decisive measures were needed to destroy the gangs.

Meanwhile, Grigoriev was not dozing. In May 1919, his gangs occupied Elizavetgrad and a number of others for the second time. settlements. Bandits stage pogroms against the Jewish population and execute communists and Soviet workers. The Grigorievites became the absolute masters of the city and its surroundings. The city's party organization went underground.

As soon as this became known, I received an order to immediately leave with a special detachment to eliminate Grigoriev’s gang and restore Soviet power in Elizavetgrad. I was given the right to act at my own discretion, as long as I could destroy the gang as quickly as possible. Chekist sailor Vasilyev was appointed commander of the detachment. Having received the wagons, we quickly formed a train, loaded cavalry, infantry, trucks, as well as ammunition - cartridges, grenades, machine gun belts. From the employees of the special department of the Cheka, I took with me the most experienced, combative people. We reached Elizavetgrad safely. Before we had time to unload at the station, the news of our arrival had already spread throughout the city. And so the bells rang in all the churches of Elizavetgrad. With this, the population expressed their joy at the arrival of Soviet troops. For city residents, this meant that the bandit excesses had come to an end.

Together with the detachment commander Vasilyev, heading the equestrian group, we carried out reconnaissance. There were no bandits in the city. It turns out that when we were traveling from Odessa, at the Pomoshnaya station there were people who sympathized with Ataman Grigoriev. They told him by phone that a train with KGB troops was heading to Elizavetgrad. Grigoriev led his gang into the forest.

We sent out mounted patrols throughout the city, and moved the main forces to the outskirts.

A terrible picture appeared before us in the city. There were corpses lying on the pavements and sidewalks. The population partially fled, many hid in attics and basements.

The first battle with bandits took place on the same day outside the city. The enemy forces far exceeded ours. But it was not for nothing that the core of our detachment were communists and Komsomol members. All the fighters were people who had been fired upon and had participated in battles more than once. Most of them, like commander Vasiliev himself, were sailors of the Black Sea Fleet.

After four days of fighting, Grigoriev’s gang, operating in Elizavetgrad, was defeated. Together with the secretary of the Elizavetgrad district party committee, Comrade Tkachev, we went to the workers of the Selmash plant, invited them to organize a workers’ squad and take the city under their protection. But convincing people was not easy. The workers were frightened by Grigoriev's gang. Some of them stated: “As long as the Red troops are in the city, we have no one to fear and will not need any squad. And if you leave, Grigoriev will show up again and deal with us.”

In the end, we still managed to convince the workers to organize security for the city. In two days, more than two hundred people signed up for the squad. We armed them with rifles taken from the Grigoryevites and supplied them with cartridges.

The secretary of the local committee, Comrade Tkachev, called a citywide party meeting, to which he invited me, the commander of the detachment Vasiliev. The communists said many kind words to the security officers, commanders and fighters of the detachment. Tkachev, on behalf of the entire city party organization, thanked us and wished us further success.

A week later, our detachment left Elizavetgrad and returned to Odessa.

The Revolutionary Military Council of the 3rd Ukrainian Army expressed gratitude to the entire personnel of the detachment for the successful liquidation of Grigoriev’s gang in Elizavetgrad.

However, Grigoriev was not finished yet. In the Kherson region he had significant forces, in particular in Znamenka, Koristovka, Alexandria and Pyatikhatka. Soon he again assembled a detachment numbering several thousand people. These were people mainly from the local kulaks.

The Kherson region has again become a place of rampant gangs. Railway sabotage was systematically carried out here: spikes were knocked out of sleepers, rails were pulled apart. The trains were going downhill.

In July 1919, Grigoriev and Makhno decided to convene a congress of “rebels” from the Ekaterinoslav region, Kherson region and Tavria. On July 27, 1919, this congress took place in the village of Sentov, near Alexandria (Kherson province). Among the speakers were Grigoriev and Makhno. Grigoriev was the first to take the floor. His speech was clearly counter-revolutionary in nature. It all boiled down to one thing: to pursue and expel the Bolsheviks from Ukraine, to destroy Soviet power locally. To do this, he proposed to connect with Denikin. At this congress, not getting along with each other, the bandits quarreled and in the fight one of the Makhnovists shot Grigoriev. After the death of the ataman, the Grigorievites fled. A significant part of them joined Makhno, some joined other gangs, some joined Denikin,

Under the blows of the Red Army, Makhno quickly retreated. The Kotovtsy and Budennovtsy won’t let him linger anywhere. Makhno's hopes of gathering strength and contacting other gangs completely fail. The local population not only does not support him, but also actively participates in the extermination of bandits. The gang was completely destroyed.

On August 28, 1921, Makhno himself, with a small gang of his henchmen, crossed the Dniester to find refuge in bourgeois Romania. Governments Russian Federation and Ukraine turned to the Romanian government with an official note in which they demanded to extradite Makhno and his accomplices as criminals who had committed grave crimes on Russian and Ukrainian soil. However, to this note, the bourgeois-landowner government of Romania responded that Makhno was not on the territory of Romania. Meanwhile, the Romanian newspaper Universul on September 2, 1921 reported: “The counter-revolutionary gangs of Hetman Makhno, having been completely defeated by Soviet troops, crossed the Dniester near Vadullui-Voda...”

At the end of the autumn of 1921, I was sent to work on the border in the city of Proskurov. The All-Ukrainian Extraordinary Commission, in order to avoid any “surprises,” instructed border guards to closely monitor Makhno’s “movement” and actions outside the cordon. This was not so difficult: foreign newspapers, as well as defectors, reported in some detail about Makhno's behavior.

In bourgeois-landlord Romania, Makhno received a good reception; he enjoyed all the honors due to a “martyr of civilization and progress,” as the anti-Soviet press called him.

It must be said that the Romanian proletariat angrily condemned the behavior of its government. The Romanian newspaper Socialismul (organ of the Communist Party) wrote on March 27, 1922: “We want peace with Russia! Stop counter-revolutionary intrigues on our land! We demand the expulsion of all persons who are preparing in Romania and with its help the destruction of the world’s first proletarian state.”

It soon became known that, together with his wife and twenty close associates accompanying him, Makhno decided to make his way to our territory through Poland. Well armed, he set off. True to his old habit, in the village of Zhilava (Ilfovsky district) he robbed a group of peasants, taking their horses, carts and food. Having gained a taste for it, he again robbed a group of peasants in the village of Pisau. The gendarmes, following in his footsteps, managed to catch Makhno along with six accomplices on April 6, 1922. The rest were subsequently caught. During interrogation at the gendarmerie station, Makhno admitted to the robbery he had committed. After that, he and his gang were sent to Bucharest.

A few days later, the Romanian government expelled Makhno and the people accompanying him to Poland. But “father” remained faithful to his gangster customs everywhere. From time to time he makes predatory raids on Polish peasants. The Polish government would like to turn a blind eye to these Makhnovist “pranks”, but the “father” is too loose. He was arrested and sent to prison, where he remained until January 4, 1924. By order of the Minister of Internal Affairs of Poland, Makhno was released and sent to live in one of the cities of the Poznan Voivodeship under the supervision of the local police. Those close to Makhno - Ataman Khmaru, Adjutant Domashenko and others - were sent to live in other cities. Police supervision is also established over them. But popular wisdom says correctly: the grave will correct the hunchback. Makhno, apparently, could no longer live without robberies and violence. He manages to contact his accomplices and returns to his old ways. Then, fearing responsibility for his dirty deeds, he flees Poland to Paris. After this, traces of Makhno are lost for a long time. His name surfaced only 10 years later. Newspapers reported that on July 25, 1934, Makhno was assassinated in Paris.

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One of the most controversial figures of the Civil War of 1917-1922/23, the leader and organizer of the liberation movement in the southern part of the Ukrainian territories is Nestor Ivanovich Makhno. This charismatic historical figure is known as “Batko Makhno” - he signed some documents that way.

Nestor Ivanovich was born into a peasant family in the village of Gulyaypole in the territory of modern Zaporozhye region (formerly Yekaterinoslav province). There were five children in the family, Nestor was the fifth son. Since childhood, he worked for landowners, performing various agricultural jobs. He studied at a 2-year school in Gulyai-Polye. He worked as a painter's assistant and was a factory worker.

After the formation of the Union of Free Grain Growers, he became an active participant in this association. Another name for the group is “Peasant Group of Anarcho-Communists.” The goals of the organization were armed struggle against the rich and officials. The group organized massacres and terrorist attacks. In 1906, the same year he became a member of the group, Makhno was first arrested on charges of illegal possession of weapons. He spent two years in prison. Having been released, after 2 months he was arrested for murder and sentenced to death. The sentence was commuted and Makhno went to hard labor.

In prison, Makhno received an anarchist “education” - the future famous rebel met some ideologists of anarchism and became imbued with their ideas. Pyotr Arshinov, an activist of the anarchist movement, was involved in ideological education.

Makhno was not an exemplary prisoner in prison - he participated in riots and protests several times, for which he was repeatedly sent to punishment cell. Makhno was in prison until the revolutionary events of 1917.

After the revolution

The February Revolution brought many changes to the political and economic structure of the country. After the revolution, criminal and political prisoners were amnestied. After his release, Makhno returned home, where he was entrusted with a managerial position - he became deputy chairman of the volost zemstvo, and in the spring of 1917 - head of the peasant union of the village of Gulyaipole. Despite his position, Makhno formed the Black Guard and never abandoned his anarchist position. The goal remained the idea of ​​expropriation of property - the Batka detachment attacked landowners, trains, officers, and wealthy merchants.

Gradually Makhno began to form his own state entity.

October 1917 and participation in the events of the Civil War

Makhno, back in mid-1917, advocated radical revolutionary changes. But he insisted that it was not necessary to convene a Constituent Assembly, and that it was necessary to expel the most unworthy elements from the Provisional Government - the capitalists.

Makhno began radical actions within his region, establishing workers' control; he also dissolved the zemstvo. Nestor Ivanovich declares himself commissar. Makhno's power and influence have strengthened, and he calls on the peasants not to react to any authority, to create a free commune. Even landowners can live in a commune if they accept the living conditions in this entity.

After the October Revolution, he called for a fight against the Central Rada and other opponents of the revolution. In the Revolutionary Committee, which was headed by Makhno, there were representatives of the left-wing Socialist Revolutionaries, anarchists, and socialist revolutionaries. In 1918, on the territory of modern Ukraine, the Ukrainian State was formed - a puppet state entity headed by Hetman Skoropadsky; real power belonged to the German government, which occupied part of the Ukrainian territories. Makhno enters into a struggle not only with the enemies of revolutionary changes, but also with the Germans.

Since 1918, he has become a well-known figure among anarchists - he participates in anarchist conferences and meets with the leaders of the Bolshevik government. In the same year, Makhno formed a strong partisan detachment that successfully fought against German troops. After the Germans retreated and the Directory led by Petlyura came to power, he began to fight against him. In November 1918, he formed the revolutionary headquarters of Gulyai-Polye. At the end of 1918, for the first time he accepted the Bolshevik proposal to jointly oppose Petliura. It would be a mistake to assume that Makhno shared the ideals of the Bolsheviks - accepting the Bolshevik proposal meant that the anarchist leader agreed to help, as he himself announced at the Congress of Soviets, “Great Russia” only if the Bolsheviks helped Ukraine in the fight against counter-revolution and did not claim territory and the establishment of monopoly power.

In 1919, Makhno entered into a formal agreement with the Reds. The goal was a joint fight against Denikin’s “white” army. Makhno received the rank of brigade commander. In April 1919, Makhno openly stated his demands: a revision of economic policy by the Bolsheviks, socialization of enterprises and land, freedom of speech, renunciation of the monopoly power of the party. As a result, Makhno decides to create a separate rebel army.

Having broken contacts with the “Reds”, Makhno conducts a raid in the rear of the “White” army - he manages to weaken its influence and significantly change the balance of power in the region. In September, the rebel army was officially formed; “Old Man” rejected all offers of alliances from the “whites”.

It was decided to create their own peasant republic with its center in Yekaterinoslav. At this stage, Makhno’s main enemies were Wrangel’s troops - to fight them he had to make a second alliance with the “Reds”. The Makhnovists took part in battles in the Crimea, where they were betrayed by their ally - the army was surrounded, only a few survived. Soon the Bolsheviks defeat the Makhnovist partisan detachments, and the peasant republic ceases to exist. Makhno ends up in prison, and then in exile in France, where he dies from a long-standing illness in 1934.

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Fact- this is a statement that everyone can check independently. Facts describing the activities of the rebel army of Nestor Makhno are listed in the book by Pyotr Arshinov “ History of the Makhnovist movement" Published in the USSR in 1925. There are no other sources on Makhno’s activities (in the public domain).

It is very surprising, but Soviet censorship did not affect what Pyotr Arshinov wrote, but he conveyed to us what the activities of the rebel army of Nestor Ivanovich Makhno actually were. It was for his work on Makhno that Pyotr Arshinov was shot by the Bolsheviks in 1937.

As an introduction

In general, the term civil war» to describe the events of 1918 - 1923, on the territory of the former Russian Empire- is not appropriate or correct. The war was ongoing - irregular.

Irregular warfare- is a brutal struggle within the state, between state and non-state actors for control over the population and resources of the state. The response to this irregular war was the activity of Nestor Makhno, as well as his rebel army.

An example of the unreasonable cruelty of the struggle during that war, with “ red"Parties - are the regimes of socialist occupation introduced by the Bolsheviks of a certain part of the territory: the south of Ukraine, the island of Kronstadt, the territory of the Tambov province, as well as other own territories.

WITH " white"sides - Mamontov's raid on " Soviet rear"When exclusively the rural population was robbed and destroyed, and not themselves" red parts" Shkuro's raids across southern Ukraine, when the Jewish population was robbed, raped and destroyed. However, when Shkuro's units once met with Makhno's units (in open battle) - after that they ceased to exist.

The Russian Empire in 1917 (despite all efforts and statements) was an agricultural country with a poorly developed industry. The majority of the population are peasants, not workers. Both main opponents " white" And " red“They are fighting somewhat among themselves, as well as with the peasantry. With the peasantry, which equally hates that " white", What " red" Both sides use the same methods in waging war: tactical methods - robberies of the population And flogging with ramrods. Operating methods - burning of villages And mass shootings.

« White"are losing that irregular war not because of less brutality compared to " red“, but only thanks to stupidity and lack of understanding of the processes that took place among the bulk of the people during that war. For example, while in Mexico in 1939, Leon Trotsky wrote the following words: “ If the White Guards had guessed to put forward the slogan of the peasant tsar, we would not have held out for two weeks».

Despite the 100-year period, absolutely everything that is told and proven about the activities of the rebel army of Nestor Makhno comes down to the following ideological cliches: - mass robberies, awarded the Soviet order, anti-Semite, absolutely nothing significant happened.

If there was nothing significant (as Soviet and post-Soviet ideologists claimed (and continue to claim), then why did Trotsky declare socialist occupation regime the entire south-east of Ukraine, where the rebel army of Nestor Makhno operated?

Fact one about Makhno's rebel army

Professionalism. For all the time " civil war“The Red Army cavalry never took a saber strike from Makhno’s cavalry, although it always outnumbered it. For example, at the time of the encirclement of Gulyai-Polye " red“by troops - November 26, 1920 - only 200 Makhno people were in the village. With this size of the unit, Makhno defeated the Soviet cavalry regiment (!), which was advancing on the village, and escaped the encirclement without losses.

Fact two about Makhno's rebel army

Interaction. Leaders of regiments from the army " volunteers“Denikin’s people in their diaries repeatedly noted that the war with Makhno’s cavalry and artillery was the most difficult and terrible thing. Such interaction between units of different branches of the military soviet army never reached.

Fact three about Makhno's rebel army

Strategic vision. The battle of Peregonovka was not spontaneous, it was planned, and “ waste“Makhno in the western direction was a diversionary maneuver. In August 1919 " volunteers“Denikin’s men were near Kursk. Makhno took this circumstance into account, explaining that the further north Denikin’s front advances, the more widespread its defeat in the rear will be.


Fact four about Makhno's rebel army

Operational-tactical talent. Makhno perfectly took into account the moment during the battle near Peregonovka and hurried to make the most of it in the form of pursuit. It lasted more than 15 miles. It ended with the complete defeat of the Simferopol regiment.

Fact five about Makhno's rebel army

Consolidating your success. After the defeat of the corps " volunteers» Denikin’s troops near Peregonovka, Makhno launched his units in three directions. The day after this defeat, Makhno was more than a hundred miles from the battlefield. He moved with his hundred miles forty ahead of the rest of his own units.

Fact six about Makhno's rebel army

Contempt for any form of authority. Entering this or that city, the command of the units of Makhno’s army every time declared that they did not represent any power, that their military force did not oblige anyone to anything, but only protected the freedom of the working people. First of all, they everywhere hastened to prevent an important misunderstanding - the possibility of being mistaken for new government or party.

Fact seven about Makhno's rebel army

War with armed opponents, not with civilians. Makhno's army was never used as a punitive force for the purposes of political domination or influence, nor was it used against political opponents. The armed struggle was against a military enemy or " white" or " red”, as well as against the state apparatus they impose. All political prisoners in prison were subject to immediate release. A lot of prisons were brought into a state that was impossible for subsequent use.

Fact eight about Makhno's rebel army

The principle of freedom of thought. Units and divisions of Makhno's army fully implemented the principle of freedom of speech, conscience, press, party and political affiliation. In all cities occupied by the Makhnovists, all prohibitions imposed by any authority on this or that press, on this or that political organization, were cancelled.

Fact nine about Makhno's rebel army

Rejection of the fight against the Jewish population. On July 27, 1919, in the village of Sentov, near Alexandria, Kherson province, on Makhno’s initiative, a congress of rebels from the south of Ukraine was convened. Makhno publicly, before the entire congress, demanded " ataman Grigoriev to immediate accountability for the monstrous anti-Semitic pogrom he committed in May 1919.

Fact tenth about Makhno's rebel army

Awards. Not available documentary evidence awarding in June 1919, Nestor Makhno, the Order of battle red banner».

The reason for discrediting Makhno's rebel army

For the leadership of the Bolsheviks (Ulyanov, Trotsky and Stalin) there was a reason to discredit the rebel army of Nestor Makhno. For, in the absence of the Internet, Makhno and his people were able to understand the essence of what Russian Bolshevism was in less than one year - which posed a significant problem for the political leadership of the USSR.

The fight against peasant self-organization, which took place in the southeast of Ukraine and the Tambov region, was carried out by the Bolsheviks through the massive resettlement of people from these territories.