Christian Democrats. Christian democracy as a political movement: basic ideological principles

3.3.1. Principles of Economics

3.3.2. Society

Comments

The ideology of Christian democracy was born as a religious response to the challenge of liberal democracy. Dissatisfied not only with the secular, but sometimes also with the atheistic nature of democracy, Christian philosophers and priests began to search for their own democratic ideology, based on the correspondence of Christian teaching with democracy. The first Christian democrats are considered to be those priests who, during the French Revolution, swore allegiance to the Constitution and declared in the National Assembly that Jesus Christ was the first democrat.

Christian Democrats consider Socrates, Plato, Augustine, and Thomas Aquinas their philosophical forerunners. The founding father of the doctrine of Christian democrats was Lamennais, and his work “The Future” (1830) is considered the primary source of Christian democratic teaching. The philosophical basis of this doctrine is personalism. The most outstanding representatives of this philosophical teaching, H. Thielicke, B. Bone, L. Mounier, N. Berdyaev, put the problems of the individual, his freedom and moral education in first place among philosophical and social problems. They in every possible way emphasize the uniqueness, originality of each person, the subjectivity of their vision of the world around them. The harmony of this world is possible only through the moral self-improvement of each individual. This self-improvement, manifesting itself in the internal, spiritual and external life of a person, has a transcendental focus on higher, divine values: truth, beauty, goodness(see also diagram 3.3.1). However, a moral person striving for God should not turn away from earthly human society. Moreover, life in society for a Christian democrat means improving society on the principles of freedom, justice, fraternity, democracy, respect for human rights as the basis of social progress (see also diagram 3.3.2). At the same time, from the point of view of Christian-democratic ideology, a person, who is a rational, social and solidary being, is not self-sufficient and constantly needs other people. In this, Christian democracy diverges from liberalism and takes a position closer to the conservative one. But for a Christian democrat, a person is not part of a collective (as for a communist). Man is free. Only in a free existence, in personal and spiritual life, is the physical, intellectual, moral and spiritual flowering of the human personality possible. An appropriate structure of society must ensure this flourishing. It must be neither socialist nor capitalist. Christian Democrats advocate the so-called “third way” of development, which should lead to a “personalistic and communal” society with a high level of culture, education, and economic development (see diagram 3.3.3).

Society

Comments

Christian Democrats consider Socrates, Plato, Augustine, and Thomas Aquinas their philosophical forerunners. The founding father of the doctrine of Christian democrats was Lamennais, and his work “The Future” (1830) is considered the primary source of Christian democratic teaching. The philosophical basis of this doctrine is personalism. The most outstanding representatives of this philosophical doctrine, H. Thielicke, B. Bone, L. Mounier, N. Berdyaev, put the problems of the individual, his freedom and moral education in first place among philosophical and social problems. They in every possible way emphasize the uniqueness, originality of each person, the subjectivity of their vision of the world around them. The harmony of this world is possible only through the moral self-improvement of each individual. This self-improvement, manifesting itself in the internal, spiritual and external life of a person, has a transcendental focus on higher, divine values: truth, beauty, goodness(see also diagram 3.3.1). However, a moral person striving for God should not turn away from earthly human society. Moreover, life in society for a Christian democrat means improving society on the principles of freedom, justice, fraternity, democracy, respect for human rights as the basis of social progress (see also diagram 3.3.2). At the same time, from the point of view of Christian-democratic ideology, a person, who is a rational, social and solidary being, is not self-sufficient and constantly needs other people. In this, Christian democracy diverges from liberalism and takes a position closer to the conservative one. But for a Christian democrat, a person is not part of a collective (as for a communist). Man is free. Only in a free existence, in personal and spiritual life, is the physical, intellectual, moral and spiritual flowering of the human personality possible. An appropriate structure of society must ensure this flourishing. It must be neither socialist nor capitalist. Christian Democrats advocate the so-called “third way” of development, which should lead to a “personalistic and community-based” society with a high level of culture, education, and economic development (see diagram 3.3.3).

3.3.1. Principles of Economics

3.3.2. Society

Comments

Christian Democrats consider Socrates, Plato, Augustine, and Thomas Aquinas their philosophical forerunners. The founding father of the doctrine of Christian democrats was Lamennais, and his work “The Future” (1830) is considered the primary source of Christian democratic teaching. The philosophical basis of this doctrine is personalism. The most outstanding representatives of this philosophical doctrine, H. Thielicke, B. Bone, L. Mounier, N. Berdyaev, put the problems of the individual, his freedom and moral education in first place among philosophical and social problems. They in every possible way emphasize the uniqueness, originality of each person, the subjectivity of their vision of the world around them. The harmony of this world is possible only through the moral self-improvement of each individual. This self-improvement, manifesting itself in the internal, spiritual and external life of a person, has a transcendental focus on higher, divine values: truth, beauty, goodness(see also diagram 3.3.1). However, a moral person striving for God should not turn away from earthly human society. Moreover, life in society for a Christian democrat means improving society on the principles of freedom, justice, fraternity, democracy, respect for human rights as the basis of social progress (see also diagram 3.3.2). At the same time, from the point of view of Christian-democratic ideology, a person, who is a rational, social and solidary being, is not self-sufficient and constantly needs other people. In this, Christian democracy diverges from liberalism and takes a position closer to the conservative one. But for a Christian democrat, a person is not part of a collective (as for a communist). Man is free. Only in a free existence, in personal and spiritual life, is the physical, intellectual, moral and spiritual flowering of the human personality possible. An appropriate structure of society must ensure this flourishing. It must be neither socialist nor capitalist. Christian Democrats advocate the so-called “third way” of development, which should lead to a “personalistic and communal” society with a high level of culture, education, and economic development (see diagram 3.3.3).

3.3.3. The highest "personalist and public" values of Christian democracy

Comments The practical mass movement of Christian democracy began at the end of the 19th century. However, it faced the difficulty that the Catholic Church not only did not support the essentially secular movement, which was born on a religious basis, but also opposed it. Therefore, numerous Christian democratic parties that arose in European countries at the end of the 19th century, already after the First World War, distanced themselves from the church (especially the Catholic one). They even replace their names with “people's” or “center parties.” At this time, the Center Party (Germany), the People's Party (Italy), the People's Democratic Party (France), the People's Social Party (Spain), and the People's Conservative Party (Switzerland) emerged. After World War II, Christian Democratic parties proper were formed, the most influential in Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Belgium. The Christian Democratic movement is increasing its influence in Latin America, Africa (especially Uganda, Cameroon, Madagascar), Asia (Indonesia, the Philippines), and New Zealand. In 1956, Christian Democratic parties and movements united to form the International. Today, the Christian Democratic International has 54 parties from all continents in its ranks and is an influential force in the modern world.

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Introduction: formation of the concept of politics

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an ideological movement within European conservatism characterized by a commitment to the principles of the social market and limited government intervention.

Excellent definition

Incomplete definition ↓

CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY

a type of modern conservatism, whose social and ideological bases are based on recognition of the value of the Christian moral order.

Political parties and groups called Christian, Christian Social or Christian Democratic began to emerge in the last third of the 19th century. The Roman Catholic Church intensified the process of adaptation to new political and socio-economic realities associated with the stage of free competition in the development of capitalism. Before this, the church opposed itself to liberal doctrines and was on the side of the constitutional and absolute monarchy.

Pope Leo XIII, in his encyclical “On New Things” (1891), formulated the position of the church regarding the socio-political problems generated by the French Revolution. The Church took a compromise position, which included the sanctification of private property relations and criticism of extremely wild forms of manifestation of capitalism.

“Natural law” was transferred to existing systems of private property, with the result that they were declared to correspond to God’s “natural law.”

Leo XIII in 1901 announced the encyclical “Graves de communie” (“The Severe of All”), which is considered to be the “constitution” of Christian democracy and where the question of the participation of Christian democratic groups in political life is raised in a cautious manner. “The name Christian democracy,” says this document, “should be understood in such a way that any political idea is alien to it and it does not mean anything other than charitable Christian activity for the people.”

The source of modern Christian democracy was the encyclical Rerum Povarum.

The first Christian democratic parties began to appear in Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, France, Germany, and Italy. Thus, in Italy in 1919, the Italian People's Party arose, which, along with the German Center Party, was considered a unique example of Christian democracy. The resolution adopted at the first congress of the IPP declared: "... the party intends to fight for the introduction of such legal norms and strives for such actions that would lead to changes and a gradual transition from the modern capitalist economically liberal system of wage labor to a system that is economically more humane and consistent with the spirit of Christianity. In this new system Capitalism, as a productive factor, must be assigned the role of a material intermediary, receiving remuneration within clearly defined boundaries, while labor (both mental and physical) must be guaranteed the maximum remuneration for its participation in production."

The Italian People's Party took the path of searching for a third path, a middle path between capitalism and socialism. Later, the “third way” became the slogan of many Christian Democratic parties and international Christian Democratic organizations.

After the war in Europe, which ended fascism, the performance of Christian Democrats with the evangelical argument of reconciliation and love for one's neighbor made it possible to attract the middle strata, the peasantry, and the workers to their side.

During the Cold War, Christian democracy took strict anti-communist positions, which indicates a further tilt towards conservative values. Despite a wide range of views, including both outright conservatism and acceptable reformism, these parties have declared themselves as conservative, center-right parties.

The Christian Democrats contributed entirely to the conservative turn of the 70s and 80s. The German Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Christian Social Union (CSU) showed the greatest theoretical activity. By this time, the tendency of Christian democrats to unite at the common Western European and world levels had intensified. The European Union of Christian Democrats was created and operates (1961), renamed in 1982 into the Christian Democratic International; European People's Party - federation of Christian Democratic parties of the countries of the European Community (1979); European Democratic Union (1978) - an interethnic party association, a kind of conservative family, which included the CDU, British Tories (Conservatives) and Scandinavian Conservatives, French Gaullists and the Austrian People's Party, the Greek "New Democracy", the Spanish Union of the Democratic Center, the Portuguese Social democratic center, etc.

The "conservative family" is divided into two large groups parties: “pure” conservatives and Christian democrats, between whom ideological, political and social boundaries are increasingly, deeper, stronger and further erased.

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Incomplete definition ↓

A political movement autonomous from the church that advocates solving social and economic problems while observing Christian principles.

Historically, the leading ideologist was the Roman Catholic Church. The main goals of the movement were for the religious community to become organized, defend its identity, gain territory in public space and emerge as leaders. According to the original doctrine, Christian democracy called for harmony between mutual aid and the demand for justice, avoiding the extremes of both individualism and communism. Subsequently, supporters of the movement added a number of new concepts to its ideology: subsidiarity, personalism, solidarity, popularism, and a socially oriented market economy.

In the post-war years the movement played important role in spreading in Western Europe the view of liberal democracy as the only legitimate political system. Christian democratic parties came to power to replace dictatorial regimes in Italy and Germany, and subsequently also in a number of countries in Eastern Europe and Chile. Currently, Christian Democrats exhibit conservatism in moral concepts and adherence to principles rule of law. They view private property as one of the foundations of society, but believe that property should be used in an ethically acceptable manner. They also advocate a social state, subject to the preservation of the autonomy of individuals and public organizations. On the political spectrum, the movement tends towards centrism.

Ideology

Supporters of Christian democracy believe that neither individualism, characteristic of liberalism and liberal conservatism, nor technocratic social democracy can solve the pressing problems of society. From their point of view, political realities are changeable, life is imperfect, and social conflicts are fundamentally impossible to avoid. Therefore, policies must be based on the principles of integral humanism to promote greater solidarity and responsibility for the well-being of the people.

The ideology of modern Christian democracy includes the following provisions:
Popularism. In order for the interests of different segments of society to be reconciled, a holistic vision of society is necessary. The policy pursued should cover the interests of the widest possible range of people, which usually presupposes centrism.

Personalism. Man has a destiny given to him from above, the consequence of which is his dignity and his rights - political, civil and social. A person also has needs - material and spiritual. Life includes both what is given to a person by nature and relationships with other people. Therefore, for its full realization, it needs freedom and involvement in the community. Society and the state serve man and exist to create the conditions necessary for his self-realization. Society and people must be in a state of organic balance and mutual complementarity. The key to a healthy society is a culture of mutual respect and mutual responsibility.

Communitarianism. Man's earthly mission is not personal competition with other people or the performance of a mechanical function under the supervision of an omnipotent state, but to realize oneself as a member of the natural units of society: family, profession, region. They also include bodies that unite representatives of workers and owners of private enterprises (corporatism). These cells contribute to the development of horizontal connections between people and the growth of their awareness of the life of society. The freedom, autonomy and integrity of these entities (social pluralism) must be protected. They absolutely should not become instruments of state control.

The common good. The common good is the goal of a political system, state power and the practical application of their rights by each person. It involves fair redistribution for the sake of overall development. A person is responsible to society for how he manages the right to be the creator of his own destiny.

Solidarism. To achieve integration and coordination of actions in society, the willingness of any people, groups and classes to show compliance is necessary. This desire for agreement is motivated by respect for each other and mutual dependence. Suppression measures should only be used to prevent specific incidents of violence, and not systemically. Solidarity is needed both nationally and internationally: rich countries must contribute to the progressive development of poor countries.

Unity of humanity. Christian Democracy stands for fair international trade, for a just world and for the preservation environment. The land is a public domain. The path to harmony in the world lies through the dialogue of cultures and international cooperation within the framework of transnational organizations (such as the European Community).

Subsidiarity. Power should be as close as possible to citizens: the responsibility of upper-level structures should only include those issues that cannot be resolved at a lower level. Society and the state should take upon themselves to resolve only those issues that individual unable to cope. This principle applies to all those in power: governments, parties, corporations, trade unions, leaders of political blocs, large property owners and financiers. In particular, transnational bodies must respect the sovereignty of individual states.

It is not man who exists for the state;
on the contrary, the state exists for man.
J. Maritain

The limits of state power. The state does not have the right to impose restrictions on the just demands of the individual, but it must protect some members of society from harm associated with the private interests of others. It can use its power only to the extent necessary for the common good. It also should not solve problems for which the responsibility lies with the family, church parish and other social structures.

Democracy. There is a connection between Christian values and democracy (political and social). Citizens should be able to change government through legal means and influence the political decision-making process. This requires elections to representative bodies of power, full supervision of some branches of government over others, political parties, public discussions and opposition operating within the framework of the law. Today, the most preferred political system is liberal democracy.

Social justice. All people are naturally equal and therefore have an equal right to respect and participation in society. Particular attention should be paid to those who suffer and are powerless: the poor, refugees, the disabled. Overexploitation is not acceptable. Christian Democrats advocate a welfare state. However, they are against long-term unemployment benefits and believe that people have a responsibility to contribute to the economy to the best of their ability.

Social market economy. Private property is necessary and must be protected by law. Full personal development is impossible without freedom of choice of workplace and freedom entrepreneurial activity. However, neither the state nor private business has the right to have complete control over the economy. Economic activity should serve people, not subjugate them. The democratic demand for accountability extends to private individuals who have concentrated power and wealth in their hands. It is the responsibility of the state to develop a sense of mutual responsibility among all participants in the market (including to future generations) and to correct unfair trends in trade, competition and distribution.
Christianity as one of the foundations of political order. Religion in one way or another touches all aspects of life, including politics. Christianity lies at the foundation of Western civilization, it gave rise to the desire for justice and freedom. Although the Bible does not contain a political program, it does provide a vision of the principles of just government based on the primacy of spirituality over material values.

Christian ethics. The desire for harmony, humility, repentance, tolerance and forgiveness are not only personal, but also political values. Politics must have a moral foundation. Social transformations must be preceded by the moral improvement of people. In particular, the Christian understanding of love and mercy involves not only detached sympathy for the troubles of others, but also generous generosity.

The unacceptability of fundamentalism in matters of faith. Christian Democrats condemn laicism and the encroachment of secularism on the status of public ideology. However, they also do not strive for any one church to play a leading role in the state. The state must protect freedom of religion and respect the rights of cultural minorities.

Along with the listed basic provisions, regional movements of Christian democracy may include other principles. For example, Christian Democrats often oppose abortion and euthanasia, citing the inviolability of the right to life. Due to their view of the family as the cornerstone of society, they negatively view any non-traditional forms of marriage and parental relationships. They also insist that the state should not deprive children of the opportunity to receive religious education in schools if their parents so desire.

Christian Democrats share a number of conservatism values: respect for tradition, recognition of the imperfections of man and society, authority, morality, private property, and an emphasis on legal procedures and order. Recently, the economic policies of the Christian Democrats have begun to show elements of neoliberalism. However, they often disagree with conservatives on issues such as nationalism, the welfare state, and the possibility of structural changes in society.

Christian Democrats also agree with socialists regarding the need for a welfare state and limiting the elements of the market, but they support capitalism and do not accept the idea of class struggle. In Latin American countries, Christian Democrats pay more attention to social policy than their European counterparts.

Many opponents of authoritarianism argue that, according to the Bible, the preferred form of government is a constitutional monarchy. From their point of view, the Bible gives reasons for or mentions natural rights, separation of powers, sovereignty, the rule of law, government by consent and for the benefit of the governed.

Soon after the beginning of the Reformation, theological works began to appear in the West that spoke of the importance of the material and the secular. One of the leading philosophers of this movement was Hobbes, who believed that morality is based on “natural law” - the awareness of rules that allow a person to protect himself from actions with negative consequences for himself.

In 1879, the doctrine of neo-Thomism appeared, which interpreted “natural law” in the light of Romans 2:14–15. According to neo-Thomism, the world is predisposed to goodness due to to this person by nature to reason. Although a person has the freedom to choose to sin, he can behave morally, and therefore there is spirituality outside the church. In particular, God acts through the external world in cases where believers do not live up to their chosen status. At the same time, only the clergy is able to assess the correctness of people’s conclusions about the content of the natural law.

According to the official view of the Catholic Church, Christian democracy has its origins in the nature of Christianity and the historical mission of the clergy. The role of the reference social model is played by the Middle Ages, when there was a community of orders and public corporations, and under the auspices of the church, shelters for orphans, for the elderly and for the homeless were created. According to official teaching, this ensured the political and social unity of the clergy and laity, and the church played an important role in the creation legal basis to improve the well-being of the people (for example, by providing the right of refuge in the temple).

The Great French Revolution destroyed the feudal structure of society, into which the Roman Catholic Church was closely woven. The church was reduced to public institution, and her situation was aggravated by attacks from the Jacobins. After the fall of Napoleon, part of the clergy joined the counter-revolutionary movement, which sought to restore the old regime. As a result, the masses turned away from Catholicism. In 1870, the Papal State was abolished, and the Pope was deprived of secular power. At the same time, despite the Vatican’s hostility to the liberal system, Catholic parties in predominantly Protestant countries learned to use the tools of the rule of law and began to increase their political weight.

In an effort to regain the trust of the masses, Pope Leo XIII began reforms. He issued the encyclical Rerum Novarum (1891), in which he announced the politically neutral position of the church. At the same time, he proclaimed a new social doctrine and established “popular Catholic action.” The movement was to be based on the Catholic organization, but focus its activity in the area social issues. Thus, the Vatican hoped to restore its influence through control over the laity in those areas where the hierarchy was not allowed. The Pope condemned the poverty of workers, blaming economic liberalism for it. However, he also condemned socialism, materialism and the doctrine of class struggle as a false path.

In 1901 Leo XIII published the encyclical "Graves de Communi Re", in which the doctrine was called "Christian democracy". It should be noted that Leo XIII did not endorse democracy, but sought to provide an opportunity for democratically minded Catholics to smooth out the conflict between their beliefs and faith. In “Graves de Communi” Leo XIII condemned democratic tendencies in the church and limited the activities of public organizations social assistance under the supervision of bishops and prohibited them from forming political parties. This reflected the views of large property owners, a significant part of the middle class and the majority of the clergy. However, the left wing of Catholicism began to organize trade unions. In 1919, the International Confederation of Christian Trade Unions was founded with headquarters in Utrecht.

After World War I, the Vatican agreed to the creation of Catholic parties. Many of them arose. However, in practice, these parties sought more to protect democratic freedoms than religious interests. Many of them have become open to representatives of other faiths.

In 1931 Pope Pius XI released Quadragesimo Anno. The encyclical affirmed the value of individual dignity and the right to private property. At the same time, it emphasized that this right must be related to the needs of the common good and that the economy should be based on the principle of social solidarity, and not on unbridled competition and exploitation. In place of the liberal thesis about personal freedom, the church proclaimed the “principle of subsidiarity.” At the same time, Catholic philosophers Maritain and Mounier, in their works, called for a balanced society based on the idea of the common good and personalism. However, in light of the Lateran agreements between Mussolini and the Vatican, the encyclical sounded like a condemnation of parliamentarism.

By the end of World War II, attitudes toward Catholicism had become ambivalent. Many could not forgive Catholics for supporting fascist regimes, especially since dictators were still in power in Portugal and Spain. On the other hand, the Catholic left enjoyed great prestige due to their fight against fascism. Under these conditions, Pope Pius XII became a supporter of the concentration of power through political parties and chose the left as his support. The Vatican also saw that liberal democracy was beneficial to the church in a number of ways. In his 1944 Christmas address, Pius XII declared liberal democracy to be the form closest to Christian ideals.

The Roman Catholic Church abandoned its demands for privilege and instead began to call for respect civil liberties, tolerance and a broad coalition of all democratic forces against totalitarianism. The theory of social conflict of Dahrendorf and Coser, as well as the concept of social market economy of Erhard, had a significant influence on the ideology. Although in words the doctrine still opposed itself to classical liberalism, it incorporated the most important provisions of political liberalism: separation of powers, the rule of law, etc. At the same time, ideologists emphasized that they were based on the cultural values of society as a whole, and not just Catholics.

The Christian Democrats achieved impressive results in the first post-war elections in Western Europe. Their principles were reflected in the constitutions of France, Italy and Germany, which were adopted in 1946-1949. Christian Democratic parties dominated in Italy and the Federal Republic of Germany until the 1970s and played an important role in other countries. The policy pursued in practice turned out to be center-right: it was the Christian Democrats who turned out to be the largest force opposing complete nationalization. In the 1980s, their influence increased again due to their contribution to the creation of the European Union and in connection with international consolidation. In the late 1980s, Christian Democrats began to play a prominent role in Eastern European countries. They achieved success in elections in East Germany, Slovenia, Hungary, and Slovakia.
In 1961 the World Christian Democratic Union was founded. In 1982 the organization was renamed Christian Democracy International and in 1999 Centrist Democratic International to reflect the growing participation of representatives of different religions. Today the international includes over 100 parties.

As political scientists note, Christian democracy is still in development. Some believe that it was of a transitional nature and will assimilate into social democracy. Others believe it is moving towards secular conservatism.

According to many political scientists, the process of forming the theory of Christian democracy is still not completed. Critics point out fundamental difficulties in the theory. They argue that Christian values not only vary between different denominations, but also depend on territory and historical period. For example, for a long period Christianity did not condemn slavery. Therefore, from the point of view of critics, bring out political model from Christianity is impossible.

Some Christians believe that according to the Gospel, participation in politics is displeasing to God. The compatibility of Christianity and democracy also raises theological objections, on the grounds that all power is from God, the flock must humbly obey the shepherds, and only the monarch is accountable to God as the anointed one. Proponents of democracy find these arguments controversial.

Due to the centrist nature of the ideology, Christian Democrats have often been accused of opportunism.
The subject of harsh criticism, especially before the Second World War, was the opposition of Christian democracy to liberalism. The Vatican's rejection of liberal values and the principles of the rule of law led it to see little harm in fascist coups. Although the pope published an encyclical against fascism in 1931, and against Nazism in 1937, this was accompanied by condemnation of the Second Spanish Republic, communism and the Mexican government.

Many were alarmed by the movement's supposed dependence on the Catholic Church. Arguments have been made that the very organizational structure of the Catholic Church contains elements of authoritarianism. The concepts of the common good and solidarity can justify the establishment of an authoritarian regime to protect public interests and spiritual values. Corporatism also allowed different interpretations, some of which led to the justification of the dictatorial regimes of Salazar in Portugal, Dollfuss in Austria, etc. Finally, during the Second World War, the Vatican collaborated with the fascists. Such suspicions turned out to be wrong, as Christian Democratic parties played a leading role in the emergence of Western democracy in post-war Italy and Germany.

One of the common reproaches was the bias towards populism. Critics pointed out that for Christians, the choice of a political system and the path of social reform is only a means of saving souls. However, in practice the parties were largely autonomous structures from the church.

Supporters of the movement were also suspected of clericalism. According to Christian teaching, the church claims to know the truth and strives for all people to know this truth. At the same time, the law should not provide equal protection for truth and lies, and the duty of the state is to protect the truth and its bearer - the church. This involves punishment of those who slander the church and church supervision of education. However, in reality, Christian Democrats do not claim a monopoly on any one denomination and strive to find solutions through democratic methods.

Christian democracy in the world

Germany. After the unification of Germany, Catholics became a minority in Germany who began to look for ways to protect their identity from the predominant influence of Protestants. In 1870, the German Center Party was created for this purpose, which increased its political weight and became one of the most important elements in the Weimar coalition. The party dissolved itself in July 1933. In post-war Germany, Christian democracy took on an inter-confessional character. This led to the creation of the CDU and CSU parties, which dominated politics throughout 1949-1966 and continue to be one of the leading political forces in Germany.

Italy. In 1919, the priest Luigi Sturzio founded the People's Party of Italy, which sought to pursue a policy of popularism and made significant contributions to the ideology of Christian democracy. At the end of World War II, the Italian Christian Democratic Party was founded, which supplied the majority of ministers and prime ministers to the government from 1945 to 1992. The party formed coalitions with both left and right forces. The CDA consisted of competing factions, each dependent on external support from powerful Catholic organizations. The appeal of the Christian Democratic Party was largely due to populism and anti-communist rhetoric. The CDA officially advocated the nationalization of banks and heavy industry, the preservation of freedom for small businesses and cooperatives in agriculture. In practice, the influential right wing of the party prevented attempts to steer the economy towards socialism. The mid-1950s were characterized by a significant expansion of the public sector. As a result, some functionaries began to practice providing assistance to local administrations in exchange for the use of their resources in elections, which caused criticism from the opposition. After the collapse of the Christian Democratic Party in 1994, Christian democracy remains the leading ideology in Italy. Most of its supporters support Forza Italia, but there are also other Christian Democratic parties.

France. In the first half of the 19th century, a group of Catholics led by Lamennais, who published the magazine Avenir, began to publicly criticize the Vatican for siding with the counter-revolution and thereby damaging the process of spreading the faith. As a result of the persecution launched by the Vatican, Lamennais left the church, joined the social liberals and supported the revolution of 1848. At the same time, other Catholics considered it necessary to provide practical help poor. In 1833, the charitable Society of St. Vincent de Paul was founded, the experience of which was subsequently considered by the Vatican as one of the illustrative examples of Christian democracy. Following the publication of encyclicals on Christian democracy, a major political movement, Le Sillon, arose in France. This caused concern on the part of the Catholic hierarchy and, by order of Pope Pius X, the organization was disbanded. Its place was subsequently taken by the Party démocrate populaire, and after the Second World War by the Mouvement républicain populaire. The latter, however, lost to the center-right Rassemblement du peuple français party led by de Gaulle and eventually lost influence in politics. By the end of the 20th century, French Christian Democrats finally merged with the Social Democrats.

Russia. In Russia, Christian democracy is not a tradition, but there are related and at the same time original movements. While the ideology of Western Christian democracy was formed as a result of the cooperation of the church with political movements, in post-communist Russia the main ideological source for the Christian democratic movement were Russian philosophers N. A. Berdyaev, S. N. Bulgakov, P. B. Struve, S. L. Frank, B. P. Vysheslavtsev, I. A. Ilyin, N. O. Lossky, P. I. Novgorodtsev, G. P. Fedotov, etc. In the USSR, individual priests fought for human rights and freedom of religion. The Russian Orthodox Church preserved national traditions and culture in conditions when the existence of autonomous ethnic institutions became impossible. Since the late 1980s, small Christian-democratic organizations began to emerge in Russia. There were often tense relations between these parties and the Russian Orthodox Church. The Christian Democracy International was also wary of Russian movements. Today, only one official member of the Centrist Democratic International is Russian party, Union of Christian Democrats of Russia. The media also reported that in June 2008 United Russia joined the international. According to a number of political scientists, in Russia there are no conditions for the emergence of a mass Christian-democratic movement. Among the reasons given are: the lack of an appropriate political tradition; Christian politicians lack their own ideology; the small number of voters who care about both evangelical and democratic values; weak support from the dominant church. According to the law, the creation of parties based on religious principles is prohibited. At the same time, some analysts believe that Christian democracy has potential in Russia, since it denies both totalitarianism and cultural liberalism, and at the same time is able to overcome the contradictions originating from the disputes between Westerners and Slavophiles.

Ukraine. Today, in Ukraine there are two Christian Democratic parties - the Christian Democratic Union and the Christian Democratic Party of Ukraine. Of these, only the CDU has a regular presence in the Verkhovna Rada (from 1 to 3 deputies) thanks to the party’s participation in the electoral bloc of the current President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko “Our Ukraine”. Intellectual activity The Christian Democratic movement is carried out by a number of politicians of the new generation - the newspaper “Christian Democrat” is published ( editor-in-chief Dmitry Panko). The ideological platform is summarized in the “Manifesto of the Christian Democrats of Ukraine,” which was first published on the official website of the CDU party in 2007.

Political parties

The world's largest Christian Democratic party is the European People's Party. Some parties include representatives of other movements (especially Christian Socialists), as well as non-Christian denominations.

Related movements

In Protestantism

Christianity played an important role in the development of democracy, especially in the United States. Early American society was based on the idea of religious freedom, and there was competition among various Protestant communities. Early Christianity served as the reference social model for them. This gave rise to the formation of democratic traditions.

By the end of the 19th century, a Protestant understanding of the social activity of Christians developed in the United States. Baptist minister Walter Rauschenbusch founded the social evangelism movement. The movement sought to transform society into the Kingdom of God through self-improvement and restoration of human relationships. The main tool was supposed to be missionary activity, which was supposed to shape public opinion.

In Orthodoxy

The opinions of theologians and political scientists differ regarding the possibility of combining Orthodoxy and Christian democracy. The problem is complicated by the fact that by the end of the 20th century, Orthodox (in particular, Russian religious) thought left very few sources on the topic of democracy.

Traditional Orthodox teaching affirms the divine nature of power. According to one theory, such power is initially divided among citizens. If the sovereign people prefer autocracy, then the autocrat becomes the embodiment of divinely legitimate power (as, in particular, Archbishop Theophan argued). On the other hand, citizens also have the right to use their power to influence their own policies.

According to another argument, the Eucharist consists not only in the initiation of the laity into the church, but also in the change of all being associated with him. However, in a democracy, every citizen is involved in political life to some extent. Since the clergy strives for the churching of the secular world, they must consider democracy as part of it. Critics of this theory believe that Orthodoxy views the secular world exclusively as external to the sacred church space.

There is a point of view that the church should churchize people, and Christians should sanctify the world on their own, revealing the truth through their actions. This view comes from the idea of Christians as the people of God. It was expressed, among others, by Vl. Solovyov, who believed that the task of Christian politics is the implementation of Christian principles in all aspects of human life through social action.

Many Russian religious philosophers paid attention to the Orthodox concept of conciliarity, which is partly similar to democracy, but has a number of significant differences. According to conciliarity, unity is achieved through the search for consensus based on love and respect for others. Authoritarianism is unacceptable, but individualism is also unacceptable, which leads to the need to resolve contradictions through democratic voting and further subordination of the minority to the majority. Historically, the idea of conciliarity implied inequality of participants, since in local councils bishops had more weight than representatives of the clergy and laity.
G. Fedotov, in his work “The Republic of Hagia Sophia,” outlined his vision of Orthodox democracy, based on the democratic traditions of Novgorod and Pskov.

Skeptics point out that the Orthodox organization is feudal and even authoritarian in nature, and therefore parish life does not contribute to the formation of democratic traditions. An attempt to combine the teachings of the Russian Orthodox Church with democracy requires reforms in the church, which causes a wary attitude on the part of a significant part of the clergy, especially due to the failures of Russian government reforms. There is a widespread opinion among believers that Western democracy is the antipode to Russian Orthodoxy. There is no mutual understanding between the world and the church. At the moment, the social concept of the Russian Orthodox Church emphasizes that the Church does not have any preferences regarding the political system.

At the same time, some believers are still interested in creating a political movement that could offer society a Christian program for its life. In particular, they would like politics to be based on values such as conscience, truth, the divine dignity of man, and the public good.